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LI  BR  ARY 

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UNIVERSITY   OF   CALIFORNIA 

Received C2*n&&&^Z, 188G  . 

Accessions  No.  <3f  3  7^3    VSltetf  No. 

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WITH  RESPECTS  OF  MRS.  GOVERNOR  B.  F.  PERRY. 


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SPEECHES  M]D  ftDDRESSES, 


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EX-gOV,  BEI^JfiLQII]  F^ftlJKLII}  PEpY, 

Of  GREENVILLE,  S.  C. 


SECOND  SERIES. 


Noble  in  Every  Thought 
And  in  Every  Deed." 


GREENVILLE,  S.  C. 

&  CO 
1889. 


NIVBRSITY 


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THIS  BOOK 

IS  DEDICATED  TO  OUR  GRANDCHILDREN, 

IN   MEMORY  OF  THEIR  NOBLE  GRANDFATHER, 

BY  THEIR  GRANDMOTHER; 

'     .-  t'dOMPltEO  BY  HER, 

THAT  THEY  •MAY*  UNOE^RST^NQ  THE  EXALTED  PRINCIPLES 

.THAT  GOVERNED  HIM  THROUGH  LIFE 

AND  MADE  HH4  THE,  WfeE*,  THt  tBR*^E,  THE  UNSELFISH  PATRIOT 

'"W;~-   THAT^E  WAS, 

"without  FEAR  AND  WITHOUT  REPROACH." 


So  dear  I  love  him,  that  with  him  all  deaths  I  would  endure  ; 
Without  him  live  no  life." 


aut  him  live  no 

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SANS  SOUCI,  GREENVILLE,  So.  Ca.,   April  27,  1889. 


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PREFACE. 

The  Reminiscences  and  other  articles  in  this  book  were  written  (with 
a  few  exceptions)  between  the  years  1872  and  1876,  when  South  Caro- 
lina was  under  Radical  and  Negro  rule,  before  the  State  was  "  redeemed, 
regenerated  and  disenthralled  »  through  the  influence  and  by  the  efforts 
of  General  Wade  Hampton.  Hence  the  frequent  allusions  of  the  writer 
to  the  lamentable  condition  of  South  Carolina.  The  articles  selected 
by  the  wife  (unassisted)  are  of  historic  value,  interesting  to  the  sur- 
viving actors  in  the  troublous  times  of  Nullification,  Secession  and 
Disunion,  and  giving  information  to  many  of  the  present  generation  who 
are  unacquainted  with  the  history  of  that  period. 


INDEX. 


Biographical  Sketches —  Page. 

Benton,  Thomas  H 18 

Burke,  /Edanus 13 

Burt,  Armistead 5 

Butler,  Mrs.  Jane  Tweedy 25 

Butler,  Gen.  M.  C 22 

Butler,   Benjamin   F 32 

Chase,  Salmon   P 48 

Colcock,  Charles  J , 35 

Corwin,    Thomas 39 

Crittenden,  John  J 44 

Cunningham,  Mrs.   Louisa .' 53 

Dargan,   George  W 63 

Dawkins,  Thomas  N 68 

DeSaussure,  William  Henry 59 

Earle,  Samuel 77 

Easley,  William  K 72 

Everett,  Edward 83 

Fair,  Simeon 86 

Fillmore,    Millard 96 

Frost,  Edward 91 

Gaston,  William 103 

Hampton,   Wade 108 

Hancock,  Winfield   Scott 51 

Henry,  James   Edward 114 

Houston,  Sam 1 19 

Irby,  James   H 123 

Johnston,  Job 130 

"Johnston's  Wife  of  Louisiana  " 135 

Kent,   James 139 

Lieber,   Francis 145 

Martin,  William   D .    150 

Meade,  George  G 148 

Pierce,    Franklin  100 

Polk,  James  K 98 

Scott,    Winfield 121 

Seymour,   Horatio 1  53 

Simms,  William    Gilmore 155 


ii  Index. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M    l 58 

Thomson,   Andrew   W ■      •  •  IG1 

Van  Buren,   Martin    •  •  •  l84 

Wardlaw,  David  Lewis l66 

Whitner,  Joseph  N l8° 

Wright,  Silas l86 

Young,  Henry  C T73 

Letters — 

Austin,  V\ .   G T9° 

Austin,  W.   G    *95 

Battle,  Kemp  P    386 

Bird,  Hugh  S 385 

Courtenay,  Hon.  William  A 33 l 

Davis,  Jefferson  C 337 

Desportes,  K.  S. •••      334 

I  >ozier,  Hon.   R 335 

Ewbanks,  Henry 333 

Ferguson,  Rev.   Henry   G T92 

Fowler,   G.   B    197 

Harris,  N.  S 338 

Jones,   Lambert  J 384 

Keitt,   Joseph   L   336 

Kollock,    Dr.  Cornelius ' 333 

Kollock,    Dr.   Cornelius 195 

Loos,  Charles  Louis •  -    386 

Patterson,  Hon.  Giles  J 332 

Pattern,  Prof.  E.  L -    194 

Pattern,  Prof.  E.  L 198 

Perry,  Hon.   Amos .  .    .    337 

Reid,  Rev.  Robert   H    192 

Reid,  Rev.  Robert  H 362 

Rice,  Hon.  Jas.    H 339 

Richardson,   H.  Clay 339 

Shannon,  J.  R 387 

Simonton,  Judge   Charles  H 189 

Weber,  John  L 190 

Williams,   Hon.  George  W 332 

History  of  Nullification,  written  by  Gov.  Perry  in    1872 199 

History   of  the    State   Conventions  in  South  Carolina  in  1832  and 

1833,  written  by  Gov.  Perry  in  1872 214 

Speech    delivered  by    Gov.  Perry  in   Greenville,  after  the   surren- 
der of  Gens.  Lee  and  Johnston,  July  3,  1865 229 


Index.  hi 

History  of  the  Provisional  Government  in  1865 ,  242 

Farewell  Speech  of  the  Provisional  Governor  in  1865 292 

History  of  the  National  Union  Convention  in  Philadelphia,  in  1866.  297 

Who  Freed   the   Slaves.     Letter  written  by  Governor  Perry  in  1876  308 

Address  before  the  Literary  Societies  of  Furman  University,  Green- 
ville, South  Carolina,  June  24,  1878 315 

Address  before  the  Philophrenian  Society  of  V\  alhalla  Female  Col- 
lege, South  Carolina,  June   24,  1879 341 

Joining  the  Republican   Party,  written  July  8,  1880 358 

Address  before  the  Reidville  Female  College,  Spartanburg  County, 
South  Carolina,  June  20,  1882  (Subject,  "The  Past,  Present  and 

Future  of  South  Carolina  " 362 

History  of  the  New  York  Convention  in   1868,   written  by  Governor 

in  1875 • 380 


GOV.  B.  F.  PERRY,  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 


COMMUNICATION   FROM  REV.  DR.  H.  MELVILLE 
JACKSON,  of  Grace  Church,  Richmond,  Va. 

This  remarkable  man  and  eminent  statesman,  who 
but  a  short  time  ago  brought  to  its  close  a,  long  and 
useful  life,  is,  perhaps,  owing  to  the  privacy  and  seclu- 
sion in  which  he  spent  the  Hosing  years  of  his  life,  but 
little  known  to  the  younger  men  of  the  present  genera- 
tion. 

And  yet  there  are  few  men  of  our  times  whose  lives 
are  so  well  worth  the  knowing.  The  sterling  integrity 
and  strength  of  character,  the  firm  adherence  to 
principles,  the  undaunted  courage  of  conviction,  the 
manliness  and  self-restraint  which  he  constantly  dis- 
played through  stormy  and  turbulent  times,  constitute 
him  a  worthy  examplar  of  youth. 

The  recent  publication  of  his  Speeches,  Addresses  and 
Sketches  of  Eminent  Men  (*)  is  the  occasion  of  this  pa- 
per. That  publication  is  itself  a  graceful  tribute  to  his 
memory  by  his  wife,  the  noble  helpmeet  of  a  noble  man, 
who  has  chosen  the  best  products  of  his  thought  and 
pen.  and  given  them  to  the  world  with  the  proud  con- 
viction that  they  establish  his  title  to  remembrance  and 
fame. 

The  speeches  which  this  volume  contains  are  of  great 
value  to  the  historian  and  the  student  of  the  period  in 
which  they  were  delivered.  Governor  Perry  occupied  a 
unique  position  as  the  leader  of  the  Union  party  in 
South  Carolina,  the  political  opponent  of  Calhoun,  and 
the  unwavering  antagonist  of  the  nullification  and  se- 
cession doctrines  which  resulted  in  civil  war.      As  early 


(*)  Biographical  Sketches  of  Eminent  American  Statesmen,  with  Speeches. 
Addressee  and  Letters,  by  ex-Governor  B.  F.  Perry,  of  Greenville.  S.  C.  For 
sale  in  Richmond  by  West,  Johnston  &  Co. 


Governor  R.  F.  Perry. 

as  1831,  then  a  young  man  but  twenty-six  years  of  age, 
he  foresaw  the  end,  gave  evidence  of  his  truly  wonderful 
political  foresight,  and  began  his  predictions  of  coming- 
events,  which  fell  unheeded  by  the  excited,  exasperated 
and  ebullient  men  of  his  time.  In  his  Fourth  of  July 
oration  delivered  in  that  year,  remarkable  for  its  ma- 
turity of  thought  in  one  so  yonng,  he  pointed  out  the 
evils  which  would  follow  upon  a  dismemberment  of  the 
Union,  and  declared  that  he  was  unwilling  "on  any  ac- 
count to  put  in  jeopardy  this  Union,  this  government, 
our  independence  and  our  name  as  a  people.''  This 
declaration  is  the  keynote  of  his  career,  and  consistently 
through  his  whole  life  he  fought  the  spirit  of  disunion 
with  a  stubborn  gallantry,  with  a,  political  sagacity, 
and  with  a  noble  forgetfulncss  of  self  which  distinguish 
him  among  eminent  compeers  as  a  great  and  good  man. 
One  cannot  avoid  speculating  how  differently  history 
might  have  been  written  if  his  generation  had  but 
listened  to  the  powerful  and  pathetic  pleading  of  which 
these  speeches  are  full,  and  had  been  guided  by  the  wis- 
dom which  time  has  so  amply  justified. 

We  are  accustomed  to  looking  in  the  annals  of  war 
for  our  own  exemplars  of  heroic  conduct,  and  we  are 
justified  in  this,  if  physical  courage  is  to  be  rated  higher 
than  moral.  But  who  do^s  not  know  that  moral  cour- 
age is  the  quality  which  lifts  heroism  out  of  the  animal 
and  into  the  intellectual  life  and  endows  it  with  all  the 
splendid  attributes  of  the  soul? 

The  man  who  is  content  to  be  maligned,  misunder- 
stood, hissed,  scorned,  jeered,  scoffed,  for  truth's  sake, 
for  the  sake  of  his  principles,  after  all,  is  a,  nobler  man 
and  a  grander  hero  than  the  defenders  of  thepassof  Ther- 
mopyke.  A  Luther  calmly  facing  an  angry  council 
with  the  memorable  utterance,  "One  with  (iod  is  a  ma- 
jority," is  a  nobler  figure  than  the  trained  gladiator  of 
the  circus  whose  courage  is  shared,  and  perhaps  sur- 
passed, by  the  brutes.  It  is  always  so  easy  to  hedge  and 
trim.     It  is  always  so  easv  to   say   the   many   are   pro- 


Governor  B.  F.  Perry. 

bably  right.  But  the  spectacle  is  superbly  inspiring 
when  a  man  who  has  reached  a  settled  conviction  of  the 
right  stands  for  it  against  his  enemies,  and  harder  still, 
against  his  friends;  stands  for  it  through  the  weary 
years,  contesting:  the  tide  of  popular  opinion,  and  vol- 
untarily sacrificing  his  popularity,  hope  of  preferment 
—political  or  other— and  the  cherished  ambitions  of  a 
lifetime  upon  its  altar.  Such  a  spectacle  does  the  life  of 
Governor  Perry  afford  us.  It  is  not  for  us  to  question 
whether  he  was  right  and  the  many  were  wrong.  It  suf- 
fices to  recognize  in  his  career  a  man  who  stood  for  his 
convictions  with  a  stalwart  consistency  and  rigid  firm- 
ness, which  neither  seductive  persuasion,  the  alienation 
of  friends,  the  hisses  of  the  rabble,  the  sense  of  isolation, 
nor  the  tremendous  influence  of  popular  furore  and 
clamor  couli  shake  for  an  instant.  I  call  this  a,  valu- 
able moral  lesson,  valuable  to  the  young  men  of  these 
times,  and  flie  life  which  contained  and  embodied  it  is 
worthy  of  all  honor  and  remembrance. 

Of  his  speech  delivered  before  the  South  Carolina 
House  of  Representatives  in  1850.  in  opposition  to  dis- 
union, he  said,  "I  leave  it  as  a  legacy  to  my  country 
and  to  my  children,  "  and  when  it  is  remembered  that  he 
stood  all  but  alone  in  that  body  advocating;  measures 
the  most  unpopular,  and  with  his  one  arm  endeavoring 
to  stay  the  rush  of  a  whole  people,  it  must  be  confessed 
that  no  nobler  heritage  can  man  transmit.  His  sons 
can  receive  it  at  his  hands  as  the  attestation  of  the 
courage,  fidelity  and  integrity  of  their  sire. 

It  is  not  my  purpose,  nor  have  we  the  space,  to  ana- 
lyze the  speeches  which  this  volume  contains,  or  even  to 
quote  from  them.  They  are  the  utterances  of  a  man 
versed  in  political  affairs,  of  which  he  was  a  profound 
student.  Those  which  are  literary  in  character  show  a 
wide  acquaintance  with  the  world  of  letters.  They 
a  bound  with  elegant  and  instructive  thoughts,  expressed 
in  choice  language,  often  eloquent,  but  severe  in  its 
classic  simplicity.     While  there   are   passages   in   these 


Governor  B.  F.  Perry. 

speeches  which  in  rhetorical  grace  and  diction,  purity  of 
style  and  cogency  of  thought  may  he  truly  styled  elo- 
quent; yet  it  is  quite  evident  that  his  eloquence  consisted 
rather  in  the  tremendous  moral  earnestness  of  the  man 
than  in  the  arts  of  the  rhetorician  and  the  declaimer. 

But  we  have  left  to  ourselves  too  little  space  in  which 
to  speak  of  what,  to  the  general  reader,  is  the  most  in- 
teresting portion  of  this  hook.  "The  Sketches  of  Emi- 
nent Men,"  which  compose  a  principal  part  of  the  vol- 
ume, have,  indeed,  great  literary  merit.  Almost  every 
man  prominent  in  American  life  is  delineated  in  these 
pages  with  an  accuracy  of  touch,  a  boldness  of  outline 
and  a  faithfulness  of  portraiture  which  leaves  scarcely 
anything  to  be  desired.  The  Sketches  are  enriched  with 
a  copious  fund  of  anecdote,  which  lends  its  peculiar 
charm  to  the  narration  of  facts,  and  leads  the  reader 
on,  only  to  leave  him  at  the  end  with  the  regret  that 
there  is  no  more.  Otis  and  Pinckney  and  Crawford, 
Washington,  Adams  and  Jefferson,  Henry,  Webster, 
Randolph  and  Choate,  and  many  others  distinguished 
in  politics,  in  science,  at  the  Bar  and  on  the  Bench,  are 
introduced  to  us  in  detail  and  made  to  us  familiar  per- 
sonages in  the  history  of  our  country.  We  cannot 
avoid  expressing  the  opinion  that  it  were  better  to  have 
published  these  Sketches  in  a  separate  volume  as  a  con- 
venient handbook  of  American  biography,  in  which 
form  they  would,  no  doubt,  have  attained  a  wider  pop- 
ularity. 

And  now  this  brief  review  must  be  brought  to  a  close. 
It  is  at  the  dictate  of  a  warm  personal  affection  and  re- 
gard for  him  whose  literary  remains  are  enshrined  in 
this  volume  rhat  I  have  ventured  to  write.  If  anything 
I  have  written  shall  seem  strained  or  exaggerated,  let  it 
be  set  down  to  the  high  admiration  1  entertain  for  one 
of  whom  I  have  said  elsewhere  that  he  comes  nearer  to 
my  ideal  of  a  public  man— a  man  of  affairs— than  any 
other  I  have  known.  H.  Melville  Jackson. 


ME 


ARM1STEAD  BURT. 

HE  sudden  and  unexpected-  death  of  this  eminent 
lawyer  and  venerable  gentleman,  respected  and 
esteemed  by  all  who  knew  him,  was  a  great  shock  to  his 
friends  and  State  at  large.  He  died  in  his  office,  all 
alone,  of  heart  disease.  No  one  was  present  to  hear  his 
last  words  or  watch  over  his  dying  struggle.  When 
found  he  was  lying  on  his  sofa,  as  if  in  deep  slumber. 
His  eyes  were  closed  and  his  arm  across  his  breast.  The 
features  of  his  face  unaltered  and  his  spirit  had  departed, 
as  it  were,  without  a  struggle. 

The  last  time  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  he  was 
in  fine  health  and  looking  remarkably  well  for  a  man  of 
his  age.  He  had  been  temperate  all  his  life,  lived 
prudently  and  was  remarkably  well  preserved.  Seeing 
him  and  hearing  him  converse,  one  would  have  supposed 
that  he  misrht  have  lived  ten  or  fifteen  years  longer.  He 
was  a  tall,  fine  looking  gentleman  with  a  remarkably 
imposing  presence.  He  was  cheerful  in  conversation, 
entertaining  his  friends  with  his  wit  and  humor,  as  well 
as  his  learning  and  wisdom.  He  was  dignified  in  his 
manners,  though  courteous  and  affable  to  all.  It  may 
be  said  that  he  was  an  accomplished  gentleman  of  the 
old  school. 

There  were  few  men  in  South  Carolina,  with  whom  I 
had  been  more  intimate,  and  none  for  whom  I  entertained 
a  more  sincere  regard.  His  death  seems  to  have  de- 
prived me  of  the  last  of  my  intimate  contemporaries. 
He  was  three  years  my  senior;  our  intimacy  commenced 
with  my  admission  to  the  bar.  He  kindly  offered  mean 
opportunity  of  making  my  first  speech  at  the  bar,  in  a, 
murder  case,  tried  at  Old  Pendleton,  a  few  months  after 
my  admission  to  practice.    It  was  a  dreadful  case  of  a 


6  Armistead  Burt. 

man  killing  his  wife  and  the  only  witness  against  him 
was  his  own  daughter,  only  fourteen  or  fifteen  years 
old! 

Mr.  Burt  was  born  in  Edgefield  District,  November, 
1802,  and  was  consequently  in  the  eighty-first  year  of 
his  age  at  the  time  of  his  death,  1883.  His  father,  who 
represented  that  district  in  the  State  Senate,  moved  to 
Pendleton  when  Armistead  was  a  small  boy,  and  there 
he  grew  up  and  was  educated  in  the  Pendleton  Academy. 
Although  :  Fr.  Burt  was  not  a  graduate  of  any  college, 
yet  he  was  a  fine  classical  scholar,  and  few  men  in  the 
State  had  a  better  knowledge  of  the  English  language 
or  spoke  it  with  more  correctness  and  purity.  He  was 
artistic  in  his  choice  and  use  of  words,  on  all  occasions, 
whether  speaking,  conversing  or  writing.  He  read  law 
with  Hon.  Warren  R.  Davis  and  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1823.  He  commenced  the  practice  of  his  pro- 
fession at  Pendleton  and  remained  there tillhis marriage 
in  1828,  when  he  moved  to  Abbeville. 

Mr.  Burt  had  a,  commanding  practice  at  both  these 
places,  although  he  had  to  contend  with  Warren  R. 
Davis  and  Thomas  Harrison  and  Judge  Earle  at 
Pendleton,  and  with  Governor  Noble,  Judge  Wardlaw, 
Col.  Perrin,  Judge  McGowan,  Judge  Thomson,  Judge 
Cothran  and  others  at  Abbeville.  He  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  State  Convention,  called  to  nullify  the 
tariff  law,  in  1832,  and  he  espoused  the  cause  of  nullifi- 
cation with  great  zeal  and  ability.  He  then  served 
several  years  in  the  Legislature  as  a  representative  from 
Abbeville.  In  1843  he  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress 
from  the  District  of  Edgefield  and  Abbeville  by  a  large 
majority  over  his  opponent,  Col.  Whitfield  Brooks,  a 
gentleman  of  learning  and  talents,  and  a  member  of  the 
bar.  He  served  in  Congress  ten  years  and  was  re-elected 
every  term  without  opposition.  He  then  became  tired 
of  his  position  and  declined  a  re-election. 

After  Mr.  Burt's  retirement  from  public  life  he  went  to 


Armistead  Burt.  7 

his  plantation  on  the  Savannah  river,  adjoining-  that 
of  Governor  McDufhVs,  and  occupied  himself  in  planting 
for  two  or  three  years.  But  his  partiality  for  the  bar 
drew  him  again  to  the  practice  of  his  loved  profession. 
He  always  delighted  in  it.  If  he  was  not  born  a  law\^er 
he  was  certainly  born  for  one  and  proudly  fulfilled  his 
destiny.  For  many  years  during  the  latter  part  of  his 
life,  he  stood  confessedly  at  the  head  of  his  profession. 
He  was  learned,  possessed  a  most  logical  mind,  very  in- 
dustrious in  studying  his  cases  and  managed  them  in 
court  most  successfully.  As  a  criminal  lawyer  he  was 
unsurpassed  and  many  a  culprit  owed  his  life  to  Mr. 
Burt.  The  State  Reports  will  show  the  extent  of  his 
practice  and  his  eminence  as  a  lawyer. 

In  Congress  Mr.  Burt  did  not  take  the  stand  which  his 
talents  and  learning  and  high  character  entitled  him  to 
assume.  The  bar  was  his  great  forte.  He  was  a  lawyer 
and  not  a  statesman.  Legislation  did  not  seem  to  suit 
the  character  of  his  mind.  In  Congress  he  was  diffident 
and  did  not  thrust  himself  forward  in  debate  as  others 
did  with  much  less  ability  and  learning.  But  in  court 
he  had  no  diffidence,  and  was  always  self-possessed  and 
prepared  for  the  conflict.  He  saw  the  strong  points  of 
his  case  and  presented  them  to  the  court  and  jury  with 
great  force  and  logic.  Often  he  was  eloquent  as  well 
as  logical  in  his  arguments  before  the  court.  His  great 
speech  before  a  military  court  in  Charleston,  in  defence 
of  Keys  and  others  for  murder,  was  remarkable  for  its 
beauty  and  eloquence.  It  was  published  in  the 
Charleston  Courier  and  merits  preservation. 

Mr.  Burt  was  a  disciple  of  Mr.  Calhoun  and  espoused, 
as  I  have  said,  the  doctrine  of  nullification  with  zeal  and 
ability.  But  he  did  not  believe  in  separate  State  seces- 
sion. He  agreed  with  me  in  saying  that  if  any  move- 
ment was  made  by  South  Carolina,  it  should  be  in  con- 
cert with  all  the  Southern  States.  I  remember  his 
telling  me  of  an  article  which  he  had  written  forpublica- 


8  A  km  ist  e  ad  Burt. 

lion  on  the  subject  of  State  action,  and  that  he  did  not 
know  at  the  time,  that  any  one  would  approve  of  it  ex- 
cept myself!  When  the  issue  was  made,  like  all  the 
Union  men  of  South  Carolina,  he  went  heartily  with  his 
State.  It  is  true,  as  has  been  said  of  him— "He  staked 
his  all  on  the  issue  and  his  handsome  fortune  was  swept 
away."'  In  his  old  age  he  found  himself  poor,  but  hedid 
not  despair,  and  went  to  work  as  cheerfully  and  hope- 
fully as  he  did  when  he  commenced  his  profession.  He 
sought  no  office  or  honors  after  the  war.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  he  was  not  honored  with  a  seat  on  the 
bench.     He  would  have  made  a.  model  judge. 

I  have  stated  that  Mr.  Burt  and  myself  were  on  terms 
of  great  intimacy.  We  served  together  in  the  Legislature 
for  several  years,  sat  together  at  the  same  desk,  slept 
in  the  same  room,  eat  together  at  the  same  table  and 
were  generally  together  throughout  the  day  whilst  the 
Legislature  was  in  session.  On  the  circuit  we  practiced 
together,  though  on  different  sides  of  the  same  case,  and 
werealwaysboon  companions,  cutting  our  wit  and  jokes 
at  each  other.  Mr.  Burt,  with  all  his  dignity  and  pride 
of  character,  was  full  of  fun  and  humor.  In  speaking  of 
our  ages  he  affected  to  be  my  junior.  I  told  him  playfully 
in  company  that  when!  was  a  school  boy  I  went  to 
Pendleton  Court  arid  saw  a  tall,  fine  looking  gentleman, 
exquisitely  dressed,  and  inquired  who  he  was.  I  was  told 
that  he  wasArmistea.d  Burt,  a  promising  lawyer  who  had 
just  been  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  was  destined  to  be 
distinguished  in  his  profession.  He  replied:  "That 
cannot  be  so,  for  whilst  I  was  a  student  in  the  Pendleton 
Academy  I  memorized  a,  Fourth  of  July  speech  of  yours 
made  at  Greenville,  spoke  it  at  our  exhibition  and  took 
the  third  honor!" 

Like  William  Pinkney,  of  Maryland,  the  greatest  law- 
yer and  the  most  accomplished  orator  America  ever  pro- 
duced, Mr.  Burt  was  always  particular  and  fastidious 
about  his  dress.    I  have  frequently  heard  Judge  O'Neal] 


Armistead  Burt.  9 

tell  him  that  the  honorable  Warren  R.  Davis  took  him 
into  the  Court  of  Appeals,  where  Mr.  Burt  was,  to  show 
him  "  a  natural  born  dandy. "  It  is  true  that  some  men 
are  born  to  be  always  neat  and  particular  in  their  dress, 
whilst  others  are  born  slovens.  It  is  also  equally  true 
in  regard  to  manners.  Some  persons,  in  the  lowest 
stations  of  life,  are  naturally  polite  and  courteous, 
whilst  others,  born  and  educated  in  the  highest  stations, 
are  rude,  morose  and  ill-bred.  Every  one  has  seen  in 
the  course  of  his  life  many  such  persons.  When  Andrew 
Jackson  was  presented  to  a  courtly  circle  of  ladies  in 
New  Orleans  they  expected  to  see  a  rough,  ill-mannered 
Indian  fighter.  But  so  great  was  their  surprise  that 
they  declared  his  manners  were  princely  and  they  would 
have  supposed  that  he  had  been  brought  up  in  a  court 
instead  of  the  wilds  of  Tennessee. 

Mr.  Burt  did  not  open  his  heart  to  all  the  world.  I 
was  in  Washington  when  he  left  there  a  few  days  before 
Congress  adjourned  and  never  expected  to  return.  I 
went  to  the  House  of  Representatives  and  proposed  that 
we  should  go  and  call  on  the  President.  He  readily  con- 
sented and  as  we  were  going  I  said  something  to  him 
about  our  returning  to  the  House.  He  replied,  "I  do 
not  intend  to  return  there."  I  said  do  you  not  intend 
to  bid  your  friends  and  col  leagues  farewell  ?  "  No,'7  said 
he,  "  I  will  not  do  that  penance."  I  mentioned  this  fact 
to  his  brother,  Governor  Frank  Burt,  who  was  then  in 
Washington.  He  said  to  me :  "  Armistead  is  not  so  inti- 
mate with  many  persons  as  yourself.  He  does  not  care 
for  every  acquaintance  or  companion  he  may  make  in 
Congress  or  elsewhere." 

In  early  manhood  Mr.  Burt  was  a  disbeliever  in 
Christianity  and  pronounced  it  in  my  presence  "a  grand 
humbug."  But  in  after  life,  his  opinions  and  convictions 
were  entirely  changed,  and  he  became  a  devout  member 
of  the  Episcopal  Church.  The  Sunday  before  death  he 
knelt  at  the  altar  and  partook  of  the  holy  communion. 


10  Armistead  Burt. 

He  was  always  kind  and  charitable  and  obliging.  No 
one  was  ever  more  honorable  and  high  minded.  Judge 
Huger,  after  serving  a  session  in  the  Senate  of  theLnited 
States,  with  Governor  McDuffie  and  keeping  house  with 
him,  said  to  me  that  McDuffie  was  a  Christian  without 
knowing  it.  This  may  have  been  the  case  with  Mr. 
Burt  in  early  life.  There  are  many  persons  who  practice 
all  the  Christian  virtues  without  making  any  profession 
of  Christianity.  And  there  are  many  too  who  make 
great  profession  of  religion  and  practice  none  of  its 
duties  in  private. 

I  have  said  that  Mr.  Burt  did  not  take  the  high 
position  in  Congress  to  which  his  talents  and  learning 
entitled  him.  Yet  there  was  no  member  of  Congress 
more  highly  esteemed  by  all  as  a  gentleman.  His  high 
sense  of  honor,  courtly  manners  and  conversational 
talents  won  the  admiration  of  all  the  members.  He  was 
frequently  called  to  the  chair,  to  preside  over  the  house 
when  in  committee  of  the  whole. 

For  several  years  before  his  death  Mr.  Bilrt  was 
engaged  in  writing  the  life  of  Governor  McDuffie.  It  is 
greatly  to  be  regretted  that  he  did  not  live  to  complete 
this  labor  of  love  in  his  old  age.  It  would  have  been 
read  with  great  interest  and  valued  by  all  literary  men. 
His  sketch  of  Judge  Wardlaw,  so  admirable  for  its 
graphic  portraiture  of  the  high  traits  of  the  Judge's 
character,  is  evidence  enough  to  show  what  his  life  of 
McDuffie  would  have  been.  There  are  few  writers  whose 
style  was  so  terse  and  pure  as  Mr.  Burt's;  and  it  is  to  be 
deeply  regretted  that  he  did  not  write  more,  which  would 
have  preserved  his  memory  in  the  future. 

In  the  Northern  States  when  a  distinguished  man  dies, 
hislifeis  immediately  written  and  published  to  the  world. 
But  in  South  Carolina  our  great  men  die  and  are  forgot- 
ten. There  is  no  memorial  left  of  them  or  their  great- 
ness. It  is  enough  to  suffuse  the  face  of  every  Carolinian 
with  the  blush  of  shame  to  think  that  no  one  has  written 


Armistead  Burt.  11 

the  lives  of  such  men  as  Calhoun,  Cheves,  Hayne,  McDufhe, 
Hamilton,  Lowndes,  Poinsett  O'Xeall,  the  Pinckneys 
and  R titled ces  and  many  others!  Nothing  could  be 
more  inspiring  to  future  generations  than  well  written 
lives  of  such  men.  They  would  stimulate  young  men 
in  all  time  to  emulate  their  virtues,  their  learning,  their 
eloquence  and  their  patriotism. 

Mr.  Burt  possessed  a  good  deal  of  playful  sarcasm  with 
his  wit  and  humor.  I  once  witnessed  a  lively  contest  in 
this  respect  between  him  and  Judge  Butler  at  Anderson. 
The  Judge  remarked  that  he  had  seen  more  drunkenness 
at  Abbeville  court  the  past  week  than  he  had  ever  seen  at 
Edgefield.  Mr.  Burt  observed  that  there  was  this  differ- 
ence, however :  "In  Edgefield  the  gentlemen  got  drunk, 
but  in  Abbeville  they  did  not/'  Judge  Butler  quickly 
replied:  kkI  did  not  know  that  you  had  any  gentle- 
men at  Abbeville  to  get  drunk."  Mr.  Burt  felt  that  the 
sarcastic  retort  was  excusable  and  said  nothingin  reply. 

With  all  of  his  good  sense  and  sterling  honesty,  Mr. 
Burt  had  a  spice  of  affectation  in  his  character.  On  one 
occasion  we  were  seated  at  the  dinner  table  in  Columbia 
with  Judge  Huger,  when  a  huge  dish  of  backbones  was 
placed  opposite  Burt.  He  looked  at  it  with  seeming- 
curiosity  and  said  :  Ct  Perry,  what  kind  of  dish  is  that?" 
I  replied  :  "  It  is  a  dish,  Mr.  Burt,  that  you  and  I  used  to 
be  very  familiar  with  in  Pendleton,  during  hog  killing- 
time,  and  you  ought  not  to  pretend  ignorance  of  an  old 
acquaintance." 

Mr.  Burt  was  married  in  1828  to  Miss  Martha  Cal- 
houn, the  daughter  of  William  Calhoun,  and  niece  of 
John  C.  Calhoun,  a  beautiful  and  accomplished  young- 
lady,  who  died  some  eight  or  ten  years  before  him.  They 
never  had  any  children  and  at  his  death  Mr.  Burt  was 
without  a  relative  in  the  State.  At  the  close  of  the  war, 
President  Davis  and  his  lady  were  lodged  with  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Burt  in  his  fine  residence  at  Abbeville.  It  was  said 
that  the  Union  armv  would  burn  thehouse  if  thevfound 


12  Armistead  Burt. 

President  Davis  and  his  wife  there.  The  reply  of  Mr. 
Burt  was  that  it  could  not  be  destroyed  in  a  better 
cause. 

The  last  time  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  Mr.  Burt  he 
said  to  rne,  "I  believe,  Perry,  you  know  my  age." 
"Yes,"  said  I,  "but  you  never  would  tell  me  and  made 
yourself  out  much  younger  than  myself."  There  was  a 
gentleman  present  who  was  never  known  to  tell  his  age. 
Mr.  Burt  said  to  him,  "  Colonel,  you  had  better  tell  your 
age,  for  every  one,  from  your  appearance,  will  take  you 
to  be  ten  years  older  than  you  are." 

Mr.  Vance  told  me  several  years  since  that  whilst  he 
and  Mr.  Burt  were  reading  my  "Reminiscensesof  Public 
Men,"  as  they  were  originally  published  in  the  news- 
papers, he  said  to  Mr.  Burt  that  I  would  write  one  of 
him.  He  replied:  "I  intend  to  disappoint  Perry  and 
outlive  him."  It  has  happened  otherwise  and  I  have 
now  verified  the  prediction  of  Mr.  Vance  and  paid  this 
last  tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  a  dear  friend 
whom  I  have  known  and  loved  for  more  than  half  a 
centurv. 


■i-m 


£DANUS  BURKE. 


X  my  return  from  Spartanburg  Court  of  Equity, 
the  other  day,  I  stopped  at  my  friend,  Dr.  James 
Bivings',  and  the  nameof  Judge  Burke  was  accidentally 
mentioned.  The  latter  told  me  that  he  then  had  in  his 
house  the  veritable  walking  stick  of  this  distinguished 
gentleman.  I  asked  to  see  it,  and  expressed  great  inter- 
est in  it,  as  a  relic  of  one  about  whom  I  had  heard  so 
much.  It  was  made  of  a  West  India  stick,  with  a  neat 
ivory  head.  The  stick  had  been  presented  to  a  gentle- 
man in  Camden,  who  gave  ittoDr  Bivings.  A  few  days 
afterwards  I  received  the  walking  cane,  with  a  kind  note, 
from  the  doctor,  stating  that  he  begged  me  to  accept  it 
as  a  relic  of  one  whom  I  seemed  to  admire,  and  likewise 
as  an  evidence  of  his  regard  for  me.  He  had  left  the 
stick,  in  his  will,  to  his  sou,  but  thinking  I  would  appre- 
ciate it  more  than  his  son,  he  gave  it  to  me. 

Judge  Burke  had  passed  off  the  scene  of  action  long 
before  my  day  and  time;  but  I  have  heard  so  many  an- 
ecdotes of  him,  and  so  many  strange  stories  of  his  eccen- 
tricity and  humor,  that  I  am  induced  to  include  him  in 
my  sketches. 

jEdanus  Burke  was  an  Irishman  by  birth,  and  came 
to  South  Carolina  from  one  of  the  West  India  Islands 
at  the  commencement  of  our  troubles  with  the  mother 
country.  He  was  a  republican  by  nature,  as  all  Irish- 
men are,  and  he  determined  to  link  his  fate  with  the  in- 
dependence of  the  colonies.  He  entered  the  army,  and 
in  1778,  he  was  elected  a  Judge  of  South  Carolina,  and 
also  a  member  of  Congress  whilst  he  sat  on  the  bench, 
and  continued  to  sit  there.  When  the  government  was 
first  organized  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  he  was 
elected  one  of  the  Senators  from  South  Carolina.    After- 


14  tEdanus  Burke. 

ward  she  was  elected  one  of  the  Chancellors  of  the  State. 

Judge  Burke  died  an  old  bachelor,  and  in  his  will  he 
left  a  maiden  lady  in  Charleston  six  hundred  pounds 
sterling,  and  gave  as  a  reason  for  leaving  this  legacy, 
that  he  had  courted  the  lady  ten  years,  and  "  before  his 
God  he  believed  that,  if  he  had  persevered,  she  would 
have  had  him."  Whilst  holding  court  at  "Ninety-Six/7 
just  after  the  revolutionary  war,  a  man  was  tried  before 
him  for  horse  stealing,  and  acquitted  under  the  treaty 
of  peace  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
as  to  an  amnesty  for  all  past  offences.  He  had  been  a 
noted  tory  and  plunderer  and  murderer.  General  But- 
ler, with  a  party  of  friends,  went  into  the  Court  House, 
took  him  out  and  hung  him  to  a  tree  in  the  court  yard. 
The  wife  of  the  unfortunate  man  rushed  into  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Judge  and  besought  him  to  save  the  life  of 
her  husband.  He  replied  to  her:  "Good  woman,  before 
God,  they  will  hang  me  if  I  attempt  to  interfere/'  He 
ordered  his  horses  and  left  the  court. 

Judge  Burke  was  once  the  second  of  Colonel  Aaron 
Burr,  in  one  of  his  duels,  and  in  loading  his  pistol  did 
not  ram  the  bullet  down  on  the  powder.  Colonel  Burr 
saw  this,  and  protested  against  it  as  the  pistol  was 
handed  to  him,  but  the  Judge  said  :  "  Never  mind,  Col- 
onel, the  gentleman  is  waiting  on  you;  and  the  next 
time  I  will  grease  the  patching!7'  Whilst  in  Congress  he 
resented  some  expression  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  about 
the  cowardice  of  the  militia,  at  the  battle  of  Camden. 
The  Colonel  replied  by  saying  he  did  not  particularly 
allude  to  the  militia  of  South  Carolina.  Judge  Burke 
replied  that  he  did  not  particularly  allude  to  Colonel 
Hamilton  in  pronouncing  the  charge  to  be  false. 

Judge  Colcock,  who  was  Solicitor  at  the  time,  told  me 
the  following  anecdote:  He  was  prosecuting  a  man  be- 
fore Judge  Burke,  for  hog  stealing,  whohad  been  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Legislature,  and  Captain  of  the  militia.  Judge 
Burke  charged  the  jury  to  acquit  the  prisoner  before 


jEdanus  Burke.  15 

leaving;  their  box,  which  they  did.  At  dinner,  the  Judge 
said  to  the  Solicitor:  "Before  God,  that  fellow  stole 
the  pig."  "Why,  then,"  said  the  Solicitor,  "did  you 
advise  the  jury  to  acquit  him  ?"  "  For  the  honor  of  the 
State,  sir.  Would  you  have  it  go  abroad,  sir,  that  a 
member  of  your  Parliament,  and  a  Captain  of  your 
trained  band  was  guilty  of  hog  stealing?" 

Riding  the  circuit  one  day,  with  a  number  of  lawyers, 
one  of  them  was  thrown  from  his  horse  and  killed. 
Judge  Burke  came  up,  and  after  expressing  deep  sorrow 
at  the  unfortunate  death  of  the  lawyer,  he  said  :  "And 
think,  too,  that  so  clever  a  man  should  be  killed  by 
such  a  damned  tackey  of  a  horse!" 

Judge  Burke  was  no  temperate  man,  but  prided  him- 
self in  drinking  good  liquors.  Whilst  holding  court,  at 
some  place,  there  was  nothing  to  drink  but  corn  whis- 
key. The  Judge  drank  of  it  as  he  would  have  done  of  a 
bottle  of  claret,  and  got  gloriously  drunk.  As  they 
were  carrying  him  from  the  table  some  wag  slipped  two 
or  three  silver  spoons  into  his  pocket.  The  next  morn- 
ing, in  dressing,  his  Honor  discovered  the  spoons,  and 
inquired  of  his  servant  if  he  knew  anything  about  them. 
The  boy  replied  that  he  did  not  know  how  they  came  in 
his  pocket ;  but  he  recognized  them  as  belonging  to  the 
landlady.  The  Judge  was  a  good  deal  disturbed,  and 
exclaimed : 

"  Before  God,  I  thought  I  was  an  honest  man.  I  do 
not  remember  ever  to  have  stolen  anything  before  when 
I  was  drunk.  It  must  have  been  that  vile  stuff  they  call 
corn  whiskey  which  prompted  me  to  steal  these  spoons." 

Sometime  afterwards,  there  was  a  case  of  larceny  tried 
before  him,  and  it  appeared  in  evidence  that  the  offen- 
der was  drunk  when  he  committed  the  theft.  His  Honor 
inquired  if  the  witnesses  could  tell  him  what  kind  of  li- 
quor the  fellow  had  been  drinking.  He  was  informed 
that  it  was  'whiskey ;  thereupon  he  turned  to  the  jury, 
and  said : 


16  JCdanus  Burke. 

"  Before  God,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,  you  ought  to  ac- 
quit the  prisoner.  I  know,  from  my  own  experience, 
that  corn  whiskey  does  give  a  man  a  propensity  to 
steal;  and,  his  reason  being  dethroned,  he  should  not 
be  held  responsible  for  his  larceny." 

Chief  Justice  O'Neall  tells  the  following  story  of  Judge 
Burke,  who  was  very  absent  minded :  He  was  riding 
the  circuit  on  horse  back,  with  a  servant  mounted  on 
another  horse  behind.  The  Judge  was  in  a  brown  study, 
and  his  servant  rode  up  pretty  close  to  him,  whereupon 
his  horse  kicked  the  servant  on  the  leg.  Jumping  off 
his  horse,  the  boy  picked  up  a  stone  and  threw  it  at  his 
master's  horse,  which  struck  his  honor  on  the  back. 
Turning  round,  he  saw  his  servant  in  seeming  great 
agony,  and  inquired  what  was  the  matter.  The  servant 
told  him  that  his  horse  had  kicked  him  on  the  leg. 
"And  before  God,"  replied  the  Judge,  "he  kicked  me  too 
just  between  the  shoulders." 

In  going  in  court  one  morning,  he  mistook  an  old 
black  silk  dress  of  the  landlady's  for  his  judicial  robe! 
As  he  mounted  the  Judge's  seat  he  began  to  unfold  the 
dress,  and  was  for  sometime  turning  it  about  and  try- 
ing in  vain  to  get  into  it,  to  the  great  amusement  of 
the  bar  and  spectators.  "Before  God,"  he  exclaimed, 
"some  devil  has  sewed  it  up  in  front." 

Judge  Burke  was  a  man  of  great  ability,  and  spoke 
and  wrote  well.  He  was  the  author  of  a  pamphlet 
against  the  "Cincinnati  Society,"  which  excited  great 
popular  favor  against  the  hereditary  features  of  the  so- 
ciety, and  produced  a  reformation  in  that  respect.  Just 
before  the  Judge  died,  his  physician  told  him  that  he 
would  have  to  tap  him  for  the  dropsy.  "Before  God, 
then,"  said  the  Judge,  "my  days  are  numbered,  for 
nothing  was  ever  tapped  in  this  house  that  lasted 
long." 

Judge  Burke  lived  to  a  good  old  age,  and  was  a 
Chancellor  of  the  State  at  his  death.    He  was  in  the 


.  JSdanus  Bukke.  17 

habit  of  .sitting-  \u  Congress  whilst  he  was  a  Judge  of  the 
State,  which  caused  the  passage  of  the  law  prohibiting 
a  Judge  leaving  the  State  without  permission  of  the 
Legislature. 


■  ;;•.$*•• 


THOMAS  H.  BENTON 


/^\  N  my  first  visit  to  Washington,  I  carried  a  letter  of 

V-/  introduction  from  Mr.  Poinsett  to  Colonel  Benton. 
■■■& 

Before  I  had  delivered  the  letter,  or  seen  Colonel  Benton, 
I  accompanied  Senator  Archer,  of  Virginia,  to  the  senate 
chamber.  He  said  to  me:  "I  will  point  out  to  you  any 
of  the  Senators  you  may  wish  to  know."  In  looking  over 
the  Senate  chambei ,  I  was  very  much  struck  with  the  im- 
perial air  and  noble  person  of  a  Senator  opposite  to  us, 
and  inquired  who  he  was.  That  is  Col.  Benton,  said  Mr. 
Archer.  I  thought  him  the  most  remarkable  looking 
man  in  the  Senate.  I  called  on  Colonel  Benton  in  the 
evening  to  deliver  my  letter  of  introduction.  He  was 
not  at  home.  Mrs.  Benton  and  her  daughter,  however, 
received  me  very  kindly.  Miss  Jessie,  afterwards  Mrs. 
Fremont,  was  a  great  admirer  of  Mr.  Poinsett,  and 
seemed  delighted  to  hear  from  him.  The  next  day  I  met 
the  colonel  in  the  senate  chamber,  who  was  very  cordial 
and  glad  to  hear  from  Mr.  Poinsett.  The  Mexican  War 
was  at  that  time  in  full  blast,  and  our  flying  artillery 
had  distinguished  itself  in  several  battles.  This  arm  of 
the  service  had  been  suggested  by  Mr.  Poinsett  whilst 
Secretary  of  War,  and  was  carried  into  effect  by  Colonel 
Benton,  who  was  then  chairman  of  the  Military  Commit- 
tee of  the  Senate.  In  his  letter  of  introduction,  Mr. 
Poinsett  alluded  to  the  success  of  his  and  Colonel  Ben- 
ton's pet  scheme  of  making  the  artillery  more  effective 
in  battle. 

I  met  Colonel  Benton  one  evening,  in  company  with 
his  daughter,  at  the  President's.  In  conversation,  I 
said  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  President  Polk,  that  I 
had  never  understood  the  Oregon  question  till  I  read 
his  speech  on  that  subject.    The  countenance  of  the  Pres- 


Thomas  H.  Benton.  1& 

ident  seemed  unpleasantly  moved  by  the  remark.  It 
then  occurred  to  me  that  he  himself  had  written  an  elab- 
orate message  on  the  Oregon  question,  that  my  com- 
pliment to  Colonel  Benton  was  rather  discourteous  to 
the  President.  The  Colonel  replied :"  Yes,  sir.  I  never 
write  or  speak  on  any  subject  till  I  have  thoroughly 
mastered  it."  On  my  return  to  the  hotel,  I  told  Gene- 
ral Thompson  of  what  had  occurred,  and  that  I  thought 
the  President  did  not  relish  the  compliment.  He  men- 
tioned to  Colonel  Benton  the  next  day  that  he  under- 
stood I  had  paid  him  a  compliment  the  evening  before 
at  the  expense  of  the  President.  Colonel  Benton  replied  : 
'•Polk  knows  very  well  that  he  did  not  understand  the 
Oregon  question  till  I  explained  the  matter  in  my 
speech." 

Colonel  Benton  was  a  very  cordial  and  warm-hearted 
man,  excessively  impressed  with  his  own  greatness  and 
intellectual  powers  and  acquirements.  He  would  talk 
of  himself  and  family  in  the  most  extravagant  terms. 
William  L.  Yancey  said  something  to  the  colonel,  com- 
plimentary of  his  daughters.  ''Yes  sir,"  said  he,  "they 
are  accomplished  girls.  I  educated  them  myself,  and 
they  are  capable  of  conversing  with  any  of  the  crowned 
heads  of  Europe,  and  in  their  own  language,  sir."  Col- 
onel Benton  was  very  much  opposed  to  his  daughter 
marrying  Colonel  Fremont.  But  after  he  became  distin- 
guished as  a  Senator,  and  the  Republican  candidate  for 
the  Presidency,  the  colonel  remarked  that  Jessie  had 
formed  a  better  appreciation  of  Fremont's  character 
and  talents  than  he  had.  It  does  sometimes  happen 
that  the  intincts  of  love  are  superior  to  the  wisdom  of 
age.  This  was  the  case  with  a  young  lady  of  Laurens, 
South  Carolina,  who  engaged  herself  to  President  John- 
son whilst  he  was  a  journeyman  tailor,  and  the  engage- 
ment was  broken  off  by  the  young  lady's  mother  on  ac- 
count of  a  want  of  appreciation  of  his  true  character 
and  talents.  ' 


20  Thomas  H.  Benton. 

After  serving  thirty  years  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
Colonel  Benton  was  turned  out  of  his  seat  by  the  Legis- 
lature of  Missouri.  He  was  immediately  afterwards 
elected  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  from 
the  District  of  St.  Louis.  During  a  spell  of  very  hot- 
weather  in  Washington,  the  Colonel  one  day  made  his 
appearance  in  the  House  of  Representatives  without 
stockings,  and  in  his  slippers.  Some  one  noticed  his  bare 
legs,  and  inquired  of  him  where  he  got  his  stockings. 
He  replied:  "Sir,  they  are  a  pair  which  my  mother 
gave  me  sixty-five  years  ago,  and  they  have  never 
required  any  darning!" 

A  great  many  hard  things  have  been  said  of  Col- 
onel Benton,  and,  amongst  others,  he  has  been  charged 
with  cowardice.  I  do  not  think  any  unprejudiced  man 
could  have  looked  at .  Colonel  Benton  and  believed  it 
possible  that  such  a  man  did  not  possess  the  highest  de- 
gree of  courage.  His  Roman  face,  eagle  eye  and  man- 
ly form  were  surely  no  indications  of  cowardice.  He 
wras  a  man  of  great  talents  and  attainments,  and  a 
most  laborious  student  all  his  life.  It  was  true,  as  he 
said  to  me,  that  he  always  investigated  a  subject  thor- 
oughly, and  when  he  did  speak  he  was  armed  at  all 
points  with  facts  and  authorities. 

In  his  domestic  relations  he  was  a  most  exemplary 
man.  His  kindness  and  devotion  to  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren were  touching  and  beautiful.  He  spent  a  portion 
of  almost  every  day  in  teaching  his  children.  How  he 
could  find  time  from  his  various  public  duties  to  educate 
his  children,  or  even  instruct  them  in  their  studies  daily, 
is  most  wonderful  indeed  !  Nothing  but  the  strongest 
parental  love  and  affection  could  have  induced  such  a 
course,  and  I  am  loth  to  believe  the  man  who  did  it  a 
bad  hearted  man.  It  is  very  rare  that  domestic 
virtues  are  linked  with  crime. 

Colonel  Benton  was  born  in  North  Carolina,  and 
whilst  in  college  at  Chapel  Hill  there  was  a  disparaging 


Thomas  H.  Bp:nton.  .21 

report  about  him,  which  caused  him  to  leave  college, 
and  caused  his  expulsion  from  one  of  the  literary  societies. 
Many  years  afterwards,  when  Colonel  Benton  had  been 
distinguished,  the  students  of  Chapel  Hill  elected  him  an 
honorary  member  of  one  of  their  societies,  which  he 
promptly  declined  accepting.  He  moved  to  Tennessee, 
and  whilst  there  had  his  famous  rencounter  with  General 
Jackson,  in  which  he  said  to  Mr.  Clay,  who  taunted  him 
with  it,  that  "they  fought  like  brave  men,  and  had  since 
made  friends." 

Colonel  Benton  published,  before  his  death,  the 
"Abridgement  of  the  Debates  of  Congress,"  a  work  of 
great  labor  and  industry.  He  also  published  "Thirty 
Yearsin  the  Senate,"  which  is  a  book  of  great  value  and 
interest. 


£&::i 


HON.  M.  C.  BUTLER. 


O^EN.  MATTHEW  CALBRAITH  BUTLERisanative 
j  of  Greenville  District,  and  was  born  at  his  father's 
homestead  on  Pike's  Mountain,  four  or  five  miles  east  of 
the  city  of  Greenville,  where  he  was  reared  and  spent 
his  boyhood  till  the  removal  of  his  father  and  family  to 
the  State  of  Arkansas.  His  father,  Dr.  William  Butler, 
was  a  surgeon  in  the  United  States  Navy  duringthewar 
of  1812,  and  afterwards  a  representative  in  Congress 
from  the  Districts  of  Greenville,  Laurens,  Anderson  and 
Pickens.  He  was  a  high-toned  gentleman,  of  pure  and 
unsullied  honor  and  patriotism,  cordial  in  his  manners 
and  warm  in  his  friendship,  possessing  a  tall  and  strik- 
ingly handsome  person,  and  very  popular  with  the  peo- 
ple. All  of  these  virtues  and  graces  his  distinguished 
son  has  inherited. 

There  are  few  men  in  South  Carolina  who  can  boast 
a,  prouder  family  inheritance  than  General  Butler.  For 
three  generations  his  ancestors  and  relations  on  both 
sides  of  the  house  have  been  distinguished  in  public  ser- 
vice, as  naval  and  army  officers,  Judges,  Governors  and 
United  States  Senators.  His  paternal  grandfather^ 
General  William  Butler,  was  a  gallant  officer  of  the 
American  Revolution,  and  for  many  years  a  representa- 
tive in  Congress  from  the  Edgefield  District.  His  sons, 
the  uncles  of  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  were  all  men  of 
ability  and  distinction.  Andrew  Pickens  Butler  was  for 
many  years  a  Judge  of  our  State  Courts  and  United 
States  Senator.  Pierce  Mason  Butler  was  an  officer  of 
the  United  States  Army  and  Governor  of  the  State  of 
South  Carolina.  He  served  with  distinction  in  the  Flor- 
ida war,  and  was  killed  at  the  head  of  the  Palmetto 
Regiment    in    Mexico.    On   his  mother's  side,   General 


Gen.  M.  C.  Butler.  23 

Butler's  ancestors  and  relatives  were  no  less  distin- 
guished. His  maternal  grandfather,  Christopher  Ray- 
mond Perry,  of  Rhode  Island,  was  a  Captain  in  the 
United  States  Navy,  and  a  gallant  officer  on  sea  and 
land  duriug  the  whole  of  the  American  Revolution.  His 
sons,  the  brothers  of  Mrs.  Jane  Tweedv  Butler,  mother 
of  General  Butler,  were  Oliver  Hazard  Perry,  the  bril- 
liant immortal  hero  of  Lake  Erie,  and  Matthew  Cal- 
braith  Perry,  a  commodore  in  the  United  States  Navy 
and  Commissioner  to  Japan.  Commodore  Rodgers, 
another  gallant  naval  hero  of  the  war  of  1812,  mar- 
ried the  sister  of  Mrs.  Butler  and  daughter  of  Captain 
Christopher  Raymond  Perry.  The  decendants  of  these 
distinguished  naval  heroes  are  now  holding  high  offices 
in  the  United  States  Navy. 

General  Matthew  Calbraith  Butler,  named  after  his  un- 
cle, Commodore  Perry,  returned  to  South  Carolina,  with 
his  mother  and  family  after  the  death  of  his  father  in 
Arkansas.  He  graduated  at  the  South  Carolina  Col- 
lege, and  commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession  at 
the  Edgefield  Bar.  He  was  very  soon  after  his  admis- 
sion to  the  Bar  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature 
from  Edgefield  District.  This  was  in  1860,  and  in  1861 
our  civil  war  broke  out.  He  immediately  raised  a  com- 
pany of  cavalry  and  joined  Hampton's  Legion.  He 
served  through  the  whole  of  the  war,  and  rose  to  the 
rank  of  a  Major  General  of  Cavalry  in  the  Confederate 
Army.  At  the  desperate  battle  of  Brandy  Station  in 
1863,  he  lost  a  leg ;  but  he  now  walks  without  a  stick, 
and  very  few  persons  would  notice  his  lameness.  We 
will  not  attempt  to  give  a  sketch  of  his  military  services. 
They  are  a  matter  of  history  and  known  to  his  country. 
But  we  will  say  that  no  officer  of  the  Confederate  army 
was  more  gallant  or  heroic.  In  the  invasion  of  Penn- 
sylvania, under  Lee,  the  scrupulously  honurable  conduct 
of  General  Butler  towards  the  citizens  of  the  country 
through  which  the  Confederate  army  was  passing  drew 


24  Gen.  M.  C.  Butler. 

from  them  the  highest  admiration,  and  since  the  war  he 
has  received  their  grateful  thanks. 

At  the  Bar  General  Butler  has  shown  in  the  argument 
of  his  cases  great  learning  and  the  most  brilliant  tal- 
ents as  an  advocate.  In  a  celebrated  libel  case  tried  at 
Greenville  some  time  since,  his  speech  was  said  to  be,  by 
competent  judges,  the  most  forcible  and  finished  argu- 
ment they  had  ever  heard  in  a  court  of  justice.  Persons 
who  had  witnessed  a  similar  trial  at  Anderson,  in  which 
Governor  McDuffie  made  one  of  his  greatest  efforts,  say, 
without  hesitation,  that  General  Butler's  speech  was 
greatly  superior  in  every  respect — more  brilliant,  more 
logical,  more  eloquent,  more  learned  and  more  con- 
clusive. 

In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  where  General  But- 
ler has  just  been  seated,  he  is  destined  to  make  his  mark 
and  sustain  the  high  reputation  which  South  Carolina 
has  had  in  the  councils  of  the  Republic  for  more  than 
a  century  past.  He  is  comparatively  a  young  man, 
strikingly  handsome  in  his  person,  courtly  and  polished 
in  his  manners,  punctilliously  honorable  in  his  charac- 
ter, and  wins  popular  favor  wherever  he  goes,  even  in  a 
Radical  Senate. 

General  Butler  married  the  daughter  of  Governor 
Francis  W.  Pickens,  and  lives  in  Edgefield,  the  home  of 
the  Butlers  for  more  than  a  century  past.  But  we  know 
that  he  has  a  strong  attachment  for  his  native  district, 
Greenville,  where  lie  the  remains  of  his  honored  and  no- 
ble mother. 


MRS.  JANE  TWEEDY  BUTLER. 


^HIS  most  estimable  and  highly  gifted  lady  of  a  dis- 
'"  i|  tinguishcd  family  and  connections,  departed  this 
life  on  the  11th  day  of  July,  A.  D.  1875,  in  the  seventy- 
sixth  year  of  her  age,  at  the  residence  of  her  son-in-law, 
Charles  A:  Carson,  Esq.,  in  Greenville  county,  South  Car- 
olina, after  a  most  painful  and  lingering  illness.  She  re- 
quested her  daughter,  a  short  time  before  her  death, 
that  I,  as  her  oldest  friend  in  Greenville,  who  had  known 
her  intimately  and  enjoyed  her  friendship  longer  than 
any  one  else  now  living,  should  write  her  obituary 
notice.  But  this  last  sad  duty  was  immediately  done  and 
well  done  by  another  friend  in  the  columns  of  the  Enter- 
prise and  Mountaineer.  I  can  therefore  only  add  my 
reminis  cences  of  her  life,  her  character  and  family,  in 
obedience  to  her  wishes,  recently  communicated  tome, 
by  Mrs.  Carson,  her  youngest  daughter. 

My  acquaintance  with  Mrs.  Butler  commenced  more 
than  a  half  of  a  century  since.  She  had  then  been  mar- 
ried only  a  few  years  and  was  in  the  bloom  of  her  youth 
and  beauty.  I  was  reading  law  in  the  office  of  Judge 
Earle,  and  had  charge  of  the  Greenville  Fern  ale  Library. 
She  had  just  moved  into  Greenville  from  Edgefield  Dis- 
trict, and  came  to  the  office  in  company  with  some  other 
ladies  to  get  books.  I  was  struck  with  her  uncommonly 
bright,  beaming,  intelligent  countenance,  and  frank, 
cordial  manners.  I  thought  her  one  of  the  most  prepos- 
sessing ladies  I  had  ever  seen.  The  life  of  her  brother, 
Commodore  Oliver  H.  Perry,  was  in  the  library,  with  a 
likeness,  which  I  thought  strikingly  handsome.  I  re- 
member calling  her  attention  to  it.  She  immediately 
said  it  did  not  do  him  justice,  and  that  his  face  and  ex- 


26  Mrs.  Jane  Tweedy  Butler. 

pression  of  countenance  were  much  more  animated  and 
intellectual  than  represented  in  the  likeness. 

Mrs.  Butler  was  born  in  Rhode  Island,  on  Tower  Hill, 
South  Kingston,  December  15th,  1799.  Her  paternal 
ancestors  were  English,  born  in  the  county  of  Devon- 
shire. Three  brothers  immigrated  to  America  and  set- 
tled in  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  about  thirty  years 
after  the  foundation  of  that  colony.  They  fled  from  the 
religious  persecutions  of  Cromwell.  But  Edmund  Perry, 
paternal  ancestor  of  Mrs.  Butler,  in  the  fourth  genera- 
tion, who  belonged  to  the  Society  of  Friends,  and  was 
a  gentleman  of  education  and  literary  attainments,  was 
forced  to  move  to  Rhode  Island  in  order  to  enjoy  his  re- 
ligious belief,  and  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates 
of  his  own  conscience.  He  found  the  Puritans,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, as  inveterate  in  their  religions  persecutions 
as  the  followers  of  Cromwell  were  in  England.  Freeman 
Perry,  the  great  grandson  of  Edmund,  and  grandfather 
of  Mrs.  Butler,  married  the  daughter  of  Oliver  Hazard, 
whose  brother  was  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Rhode  Island . 
Hence  the  christian  name  given  to  Commodore  Oliver 
Hazard  Perry.  Oliver  Hazard  was  said  to  have  been 
"a  gentleman  of  large  property,  elegant  manners  and 
cultivated  tastes."  Freeman  Perry  was  a  lawyer,  who 
acquired  distinction  in  his  profession,  and  after  filling 
various  offices  of  distinction,  he  was  elected  Judge  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas.  The  third  son  of  this  gentle- 
man, Christopher  Raymond  Perry,  was  the  father  of 
Mrs.  Butler.  He  entered  the  Revolutionary  war  at  a 
very  early  age,  and  was  engaged  throughout  the  whole 
of  it  in  "  fighting  the  battles  of  his  country,  both  by  sea 
and  land."  He  rose  to  be  a  Captain  in  the  United 
States  Navy,  and  was  married  to  Miss  Sarah  Alexander 
the  mother  of  Mrs.  Butler,  in  1784.  She  was  born  in 
Ireland,  though  of  Scotch  parentage,  and  I  remember 
seeing  it  stated,  in  a  life  af  Commodore  Perry,  that  she 
was  a  descendant  of  Sir  William  Wallace.    The  Captain 


Mrs.  Jane  Tweedy  Butler.  27 

and  his  bride,  whom  he  married  in  Philadelphia,  at  the 
house  of  her  uncle,  Matthew  Calbraith,  were  said  to 
have  been  "an  uncommonly  handsome  couple."  It 
seems  that  beauty  was  the  inheritance  of  the  family. 

Mrs.  Butler  was  married  in  Brooklyn,  New  York,  De- 
cember, 22d,  1819,  to  Dr.  William  Butler,  of  South  Car- 
olina, then  a  young  surgeon  in  the  navy  of  the  United 
States.  Dr.  Butler  was  the  son  of  General  William  But- 
ler, a  distinguished  officer  of  the  American  Revolution, 
and  for  many  years  a  member  of  the  United  States  Con- 
gress from  South  Carolina.  The  Docter  was  also  the 
brother  of  Judge  Butler,  afterward  United  States  Sena- 
tor, and  Governor  Butler,  who  was  killed  at  the  head  of 
his  regiment  in  Mexico.  He  once  represented  the  con- 
gressional district  of  Greenville,  Anderson,  and  Pickens  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  afterwards  received 
the  appoiniment  of  Indian  Agent.  He  removed  with  his 
family  to  Arkansas  and  there  died.  After  his  death,  his 
widow  and  children  returned  to  South  Carolina,  except 
his  eldest  daughter,  who  married  a  gentleman  in  Phila- 
delphia and  was  living  there  at  the  death  of  her  father. 

I  have  have  heard  Mrs.  Butler  speak  of  her  courtship 
and  marriage.  It  seems  that  both  she  and  Dr.  Butler 
fell  in  love  at  first  sight.  The  young  surgeon  was  a 
very  handsome  and  prepossessing  gentleman,  tall  and 
slender  in  person,  graceful  and  courteous  in  his  manners, 
and  dressed  in  his  uniform  of  the  navy,  was  calculated 
to  make  an  impression  on  the  heart  of  a  young  beauty, 
just  entering  the  fashionable  world,  and  whose  whole 
family  belonged  to  the  United  States  Navy.  When  he 
addressed  her  his  frank  and  manly  nature  prompted 
him  to  say  to  her  in  all  candor  that  her  life  in  South 
Carolina,  on  a  cotton  plantation,  surrounded  by  slaves 
and  in  some  measure  cast  off  from  fashionable  society, 
would  be  very  different  from  the  life  she  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  in  the  gay  and  fashionable  circles  of  Brook- 
lyn and  Newport.    But  she  told  him  that  she  was  willing 


28  Mrs.  Jane  Tweedy  Butler. 

to  forego  all  the  pleasures  and  charms  of  fashionable 
society,  give  up  her  early  associates,  kindred  and 
home  for  his  sake.  How  this  declaration  must  have 
touched  the  heart  of  her  young  lover,  we  can  well  imag- 
ine. 

But  the  cotton  plantation  was  in  an  unhealthy  region, 
and  after  trying  it  as  a  residence  for  a  year  or  two,  and 
losing  two  little  children,  the  Doctor  determined  to  move 
to  Greenville,  where  he  and  his  young  wife  could  enjoy 
both  health  and  society.  Mrs.  Butler  was  always  fond 
of  the  society  of  her  friends,  and  even  in  her  old  age  took 
great  pleasure  in  seeing  and  contributing  totheinnocent 
enjoyment  of  young  persons.  She  was  all  her  life  a 
most  devout  member  and  communicant  of  the  Episcopal 
Church,  and  a  sincere  Christian.  But  she  did  not  be- 
lieve that  music  and  dancing  were  inconsistent  with 
Christian  duties,  feelings  and  sentiments.  She  was  a 
regular  attendant  at  church  every  Sabbath,  till  her 
hearing  became  so  impaired  that  she  could  hear  neither 
sermon  nor  service.  And  she  likewise  attended 
most  of  our  balls,  and  parties  in  her  younger  days. 
Like  Judge  Huger  she  thought  it  right  "to  live  for 
both  this  world  and  the  next  "—worship  God  and  enjoy 
the  society  of  your  friends. 

In  1846  Mrs.  Butler,  hearing  that  I  was  going  north 
as  far  as  Boston,  proposed  giving  me  letters  of  introduc- 
tion to  her  family  and  relatives  in  Rhode  Island. 
Amongst  these  letters  was  one  to  her  sister,  Mrs.  Com- 
odore  Rodgers,  living  in  New  London,  then  a  widow  of, 
middle  age,  but  still  a  magnificently  handsome  lady 
and  a  lady  of  great  intelligence  and  charming  manners. 
She  had  been  in  her  youth  the  lovely  belle  of  Newport. 
My  name  attracted  her  attention,  and  she  immediately 
began  to  trace  up  a  relationship  between  our  ancestors, 
two  hundred  years  ago,  who  came  to  Massachusetts. 
She  told  me  afterwards  that  her  little  son  enquired  who 
I  was.    She  told  him  that  I  was  a  kinsman  of  his  from 


Mns.  Jane  Tweeey  Butler.  29 

South  Carolina.  He  replied  :  u  I  thought  so  when  I  saw 
him  getting  out  of  the  steamboat." 

The  family  of  Mrs.  Butler  all  belonged  to  the  navy. 
I  think  she  had  five  brothers,  all  naval  officers.  Two  of 
them  greatly  distinguished.  Oliver  Hazard  became  the 
hero  of  Lake  Erie,  and  in  his  report  of  the  great  victory 
there,  he  said  :  "  We  have  met  the  enemy  and  they  are 
ours."  This  terse  expression  will  be  as  immortal  as  Cae- 
sars "veni,  vidi,  vici."  Matthew  Calbraith  Perry  also 
became  a  Commodore,  and  his  Japan  expedition  has 
made  him  distinguished.  Commodore  George  Rodgers, 
one  of  the  nost  gallant  officers  of  the  war  of  1812  was 
likewise  her  brother-in-law.  One  of  her  nephews  is  now 
Rear  Admiral  Rodgers,  and  I  think  there  are  several 
others  in  the  naval  service.  Her  young  brother,  Alex- 
ander Perry,  twelve  years  old,  was  an  officer  in  the  bat- 
tle of  Lake  Erie. 

Mrs.  Butler  was  a  worthy  sister  of  her  distinguished 
brothers,  and  a  very  remarkable  lady,  endowed  by  na- 
ture with  a  vigorous  mind,  which  had  been  highly  culti- 
vated, a  warm  and  sincere  heart,  and  a  disposition  as 
frank  and  open  as  the  day.  Amidst  all  her  household 
duties,  with  a  large  family  of  children,  she  nevertheless 
found  time  to  read  a  great  deal  and  enjoy  the  society  of 
her  friends,  even  in  her  old  age.  When  our  civil  war 
broke  out,  though  a  Northern  lady  by  birth,  and  con- 
nected by  blood  with  a  great  many  distinguished  offi- 
cers in  the  navy  and  army  of  the  United  States,  she  es- 
poused the  Southern  cause  with  all  of  her  zeal  and  ener- 
gy of  character,  and  gave  to  the  Confederacy  seven  no- 
ble, gallant  sons,  one  of  whom  rose  to  the  rank  of 
General  in  the  Confederate  army.  General  M.  C.  Butler 
was  distinguished  as  a  cavalry  officer  throughout  the 
war  and  ranked  next  to  Hampton  in  the  estimation  of 
his  army  corps. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  General  Brown  with  a  divi- 
sion of  the  Union  or  Yankee  army  went  through  South 


30  Mrs.  Jane  Tweedy  Butler. 

Carolina,  robbing  and  plundering  everywhere,  stealing- 
fine  horses  and  valuable  jewelry.  Mrs.  Butler  had  the  mis- 
fortune to  lose  one  of  her  horses  by  these  highwaymen 
of  the  Federal  army,  and  she  immediately  went  to  Gen- 
eral Brown  and  demanded  her  horse.  Some  one  who 
accompanied  her  thought  he  would  make  fair  weather 
with  the  General  by  introducing  her  as  the  sister  of  Com- 
modore Oliver  H.  Perry.  Sh^  sternly  remarked :  "I 
would  much  rather,  sir,  you  had  introduced  me  as  the 
mother  of  General  M.  C.  Butler,  of  the  Confederate 
army !  "  This  noble  expression  was  worthy  of  a  Roman 
matron,  and  would  have  done  credit  to  the  mother  of 
the  Gracchi ! 

Mrs.  Butler  was  a  lady  of  strong  feelings  and  quick 
impulses,  which  governed  her  conduct  through  life. 
Our  friendship  continued  for  more  than  a,  half  century, 
with  the  exception  of  one  brief  interval.  Dr.  Butler  was 
the  Whig  candidate  for  Congress,  and  I  was  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate  for  a  seat  in  the  State  Senate.  She  met 
me  during  the  canvass,  and  said  with  a  good  deal  of 
feeling:  "You  have  benn  electioneering  against  my  hus- 
band ! "  I  replied  that  I  had  been  making  Democratic 
speeches  against  the  Whigs,  but  had  said  nothing  per- 
sonally against  Dr.  Butler.  I  also  remarked,  that  I 
deeply  regretted  party  divisions  would  require  me  to 
vote  against  him  !  This  she  regarded,  woman-like,  as  a 
violation  of  friendship,  and  a  sort  of  Iwssr  majistatis, 
and  said  to  me  most  indignantly,  "I  will  never  speak  to 
you  again,  sir! "  I  calmly  replied  that  she  had  the  right 
to  refuse  to  speak  to  whom  she  pleased,  and  I  would  en- 
deavor to  bear  it  as  best  I  could.  But  in  a  very  short 
time  she  not  only  spoke  to  me,  but  acted  as  if  no  differ- 
ence had  ever  occurred  between  us. 

A  short  time  before  her  death  she  wrote  me 
that  she  had  understood  I  was  trying  to  col- 
lect the  unpublished  poetry  of  the  Hon.  Warren 
B.    Davis— that    he    had    addressed    to    her    several 


Mrs.  Jane  Tweedy  Butler.  31 

pretty  odes  which  she  had  sent  to  her  sister,  Mrs. 
Commodore  Rodgers,  and  that  if  I  would  write  to  her 
son,  Rear  Admiral  Rodgers,  he  could  probably  find  them 
amongst  his  mother's  papers.  In  this  note  she  took 
occasion  to  remark  that  I  and  one  lady  only  were  now 
living  who  had  known  her  intimately  from  the  time  she 
came  to  Greenville  to  live. 

Mrs.  Butler  was  the  mother  of  sixteen  children,  eight 
of  whom,  four  sons  and  four  daughters,  are  still  living. 
One  of  her  sons  died  before  the  civil  war,  an  officer  in 
the  United  States  army.  One  was  killed  in  the  Confed- 
ate  service,  and  two  others  lost  limbs  in  the  same  ser- 
vice. In  the  death  of  this  remarkable  lady,  of  high 
character  and  most  distinguisded  family  and  connec- 
tions, society  has  lost  one  of  its  most  valued  members. 
Her  high  endowments  of  mind  and  heart,  her  moral 
worth, and  deep  religious  character,  are  the  noblest  in- 
heritance she  could  leave  her  children  and  grandchil- 
dren. 

In  a  memorandum  of  her  father's  family,  and  her  own 
children,  written  in  1864  by  Mrs.  Butler,  which  has 
been  sent  me  by  her  daughter,  she  says:  "I  may  add  to 
this  record  that  my  children  are  all  doing  well,  and  that 
I  have  lived  to  have  them  fill  my  heart  with  pride  by 
following  in  a  measure  the  examples  of  some  of  their 
noble  ancestors  and  relatives."  She  did  take  a  great 
pride  in  her  children,  and  had  a  right  to  do  so.  They 
likewise  will  ever  cherish  the  memory  of  their  noble 
mother. 


BENJAMIN  F.  BUTLER. 

JTp^FlE  most  unscrupulous  and  shameless  public  man 
1  I  have  ever  met  in  life,  is  certainly  General  Butler, 
who  has  been  dubbed,  "  Beast,"  "Brute,"  and  "Spoons." 
It  has  been  said,  that  there  once  lived  a  good  old  man, 
who  always  said  something  in  praise  of  everyone  whom 
he  heard  abused.  In  order  to  test  the  extent  of  this 
feeling  on  the  part  of  the  old  man,  some  one  commenced 
abusing  the  Devil  in  his  presence,  to  which  he  lis- 
tened for  some  time,  and  finally  replied  by  saying:  "You 
must  admit,  however,  that  he  has  great  ability."  I 
will  make  the  same  admission  for  General  Butler. 

Ten  or  twelve  years  ago,  I  was  in  Massachusetts, 
whilst  Butler  was  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor 
of  that  State.  He  was  then  fiercer  than  the  fiercest 
Southern  Secessionists  in  his  denunciations  of  the 
black  Repu  lica  ns.  I  read  with  great  interest  his  speeches, 
and  was  amused  with  biographical  sketches  of  him  by 
the  Radical  press,  during  the  canvass,  and  determined 
to  make  his  acquaintance,  if  it  was  ever  in  my  power. 
The  opportunity  did  not  occur  till  the  Charleston  Con- 
vention in  1860.  I  went  up  to  him  and  introduced 
myself,  after  he  was  pointed  out  to  me  by  a  member  of 
the  Massachusetts  delegation,  who  said  he  was  "asinge 
cat,"  a  much  greater  man  than  he  looked  to  be.  I  said 
to  him  that  I  was  staying  with  a  friend,  Dr.  F.  Y.  Por- 
cher,  who  had  requested  me  to  invite  some  Northern 
gentleman,  a  member  of  the  Democratic  convention,  to 
come  and  take  up  his  quarters  with  us  during  the  sitting 
of  the  convention,  and  that  I  should  be  ven  happy  if  he 
would  accept  the  Doctor's  invitation.  I  thought  he 
would  find  it  more  pleasant  than  being  at  the  over- 
crowded hotels  in  the  city.     He  thanked  me  very  kindly 


Benjamin  F.  Butler.  33 

for  the  invitation,  but  said  he  was  messing  with  a  party 
of  friends  on  board  of  a  steamboat  and  could  not  leave 
them.  In  the  course  of  our  conversation  then,  or  at 
some  other  time,  whilst  in  the  Convention,  he  said  tome, 
speaking  of  the  slavery  question  :  "  This  issue  will  come 
some  day,  but  you  of  the  South  are  in  no  danger.  We 
at  the  North  will  have  to  meet  it,  and  they  will  have 
to  pass  over  our  dead  bodies  before  they  reach  you." 
Those  were  his  very  words.  I  have  frequently  repeated 
them,  and  thought  of  them  since.  They  made  a  deep 
impression  on  my  mind  at  the  time,  and  I  have  often 
contrasted  them  with  the  subsequent  conduct  of  General 
Butler. 

He  voted  thirty  seven  times  in  the  convention  for  Jef- 
ferson Davis,  and  afterwards  bolted  from  the  Balti- 
more Convention  with  General  dishing  and  joined  the 
Secessionists.  After  all  this,  he  went  over  to  the  black 
Republicans  and  was  honored  for  his  desertion  of  the 
Democratic  principles  which  he  had  so  boldly  defended 
for  a  number  of  years  in  Massachusetts.  He  embraced 
the  faith  and  creed  of  those  whom  he  had  denounced 
with  more  bitterness,  perhaps,  than  any  other  man  in 
America.  When  commissioners  were  sent  by  the  South 
Carolina  State  Convention  to  treat  with  President 
Buchanan  about  the  forts  in  Charleston,  General  But- 
ler was  in  Washington,  and  even  then  counselled  and  ad- 
vised with  the  commissioners  as  to  their  best  mode  of 
action.  His  outrageous  conduct  since  is  well  known  to 
the  American  people.  His  infamous  course  in  New7  Or- 
leans and  his  course  in  Congress  need  no  comments. 

In  the  winter  of  1860,  I  met  General  Butler  in  Wash- 
ington, and  in  speakingof  the  Condition  of  the  Southern 
States,  he  said  to  me:  "You  may  make  any  qualifica- 
tions you  please  in  South  Carolina,  in  reference  to  the 
right  of  suffrage,  so  you  apply  it  to  both  races.  If  you 
wish  to  avoid  negro  suffrage,  you  may  enact  that  no 
one  but  a  graduate  of  the  South  Carolina  College  shall 


34  Benjamin  F.  Butler. 

be  allowed  to  vote.  Or  vou  may  annex  other  qualifica- 
tions, applying  them  equally  to  the  whites  and  blacks. 
This  will  satisfy  the  North."  The  General  had  improved 
so  much  in  his  personal  appearence  during  the  war, 
that  I  did  not  at  first  recognize  him,  notwithstanding 
his  very  remarkable  features.  He  had  grown  much 
stouter,  and  looked  more  genteel  than  he  did  in  the 
Charleston  Convention. 

General  Butler  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  looking 
men  I  ever  saw.  It  would  seem  that  nature  had  given 
him  a  face  to  correspond  with  his  heart.  I  will  not  at- 
tempt to  describe  either.  But  as  the  good  old  man 
said  of  the  devil,  he  has  great  ability.  In  repartee  he 
has  few  equals.  He  is  always  prompt  and  severe,  rude 
and  unscrupulous. 

Shortly  after  the  trial  and  execution  of  Dr.  Webster, 
a  professor  in  the  Harvard  University,  a  gentleman  was 
being  very  rudely  handled  by  Butler  on  the  witness, 
stand  in  court,  when  the  Judge  stopped  him  and  said, 
"you  must  remember,  General  Butler,  that  the  witness 
is  one  of  the  learned  professors  of  the  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, and  entitled  to  more  respect  in  your  cross  ex- 
amination." "Yes,  may  it  please  your  Honor,"  was 
his  prompt  reply,  "I  remember  we  hung  one  of  those 
learned  professors  not  long  since." 


\£4lTPGVC&^ 


CHARLES  J.  COLCOCK. 

TfUDGE  COLCOCK  was  one  of  the  Appeal  Judges,  be- 
Li  fore  whom  I  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  He  had  been 
an  Associate  Judge  for  many  years,  Solictor,  andalead- 
ing  member  of  the  Legislature.  He  resigned  his  seat  on 
the  Appeal  bench,  and  was  elected  president  of  the  Bank 
the  State.  After  his  resignation  of  his  seat  on  the 
bench,  he  became  a  very  active  politician  in  Charleston, 
and  presided  at  most  of  their  Nullification  meetings. 
When  I  was  first  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature, 
I  made  a,  speech  in  opposition  to  some  interests  of  the 
bank.  Judge  Colcock  was  present  and  heard  it.  After 
the  Legislature  adjourned,  I  went  to  Charleston,  and 
met  the  Judge  in  the  streets.  He  enquired  when  it  would 
be  convenient  for  me  to  dine  with  him.  A  day  was 
named,  and  1  met  at  his  table  a  very  pleasant  party  of 
gentlemen.  Not  having  previously  had  any  particular 
acquaintance  with  the  Judge,  I  was  at  a  loss  to  account 
for  his  especial  hospitality — whether  it  was  in  compliment 
to  my  independence  in  opposing  his  bank,  or  whether  it 
was  on  the  principle  that  Doctor  Franklin  acted  when 
he  borrowed  a  book  of  a  young  member  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Legislature  who  had  made  a  speech  against  his 
election  as  Clerk  of  the  House.  But  I  afterwards  as- 
certained that  Mrs.  Colcock  was  the  intimate  friend  and 
kinswoman  of  my  intended  mother-in-law,  and  the 
Judge's  kindness  was  on  that  account. 

In  the  fall  of  1837  I  find  the  following  memoranda  of 
conversations  with  Judge  Colcock,  noted  in  my  journal: 
"  September  27th— Judge  Colcock  and  lady  arrived 
here  yesterday.  I  had  a  long  talk  with  him  on  banks 
and  banking  last  night.  He  favors  the  separation  of 
governments  from  all  banks,  and  also  the  payment  of 


36  Charles  J.  Colcock. 

the  revenue  in  gold  and  silver.  He  is  opposed  to  a  na- 
tional Bank,  and  says  there  is  no  doubt  of  its  unconsti- 
tionality.  He  was  opposed  to  the  State  Bank  suspend- 
ing specie  payments.  His  plan  was  to  go  on  and  pay 
out  every  dollar  they  had,  and  that  it  would  have  taken 
a  great  while  to  collect  all  the  two  dollar  bills  issued  by 
the  bank.  Judge  Colcock  as  President  of  the  Bank 
of  the  State,  refused  to  adopt  the  measure  till  the  citi- 
zens petitioned  for  it.  He  said  if  the  banks  had  con- 
tinued to  pay  specie,  it  would  have  been  the  means  of 
o-etting;  rid  of  one  half  of  them.  The  insolvent  ones 
would  have  had  to  stop,  and  the  solvent  banks  could 
have  gone  on.  I  have  been  very  much  pleased  with 
Judge  Colcock.  He  is  said  to  be  a  self-willed  and  stub- 
born man .  These  qualities  are  very  apt  to  be  associated 
with  honesty.  Mrs.  Colcock  is  a  very  interesting  lady, 
and  I  like  her  very  much." 

"  October  1st,  1837.— Chancellor  DeSaussure  is  very 
ill.  I  went  into  his  room  last  night.  He  appeared 
cheerful  and  talked  of  England  and  the  English  Govern- 
ment. He  said  O'Connell  had  the  power  of  that  govern- 
ment in  his  own  hands,  the  Whigs  and  Conservatives 
being  equally  divided.  Ireland  was  destined  to  be  a 
thorn  in  the  side  of  England,  and  the  Union  was  bad  at 
present.  Judge  Colcock  spoke  of  his  first  circuit  in  the 
upper  country  as  a  practicing  lawyer.  He  and  a 
Charleston  lawyer  went  to  Spartanburg  court,  and  what 
a  scene  they  witnessed  !  In  the  night  they  saw  several 
hundred  persons  stripped  and  fighting  by  torch  lights 
and  lio;ht  wood  fires.  The  Charleston  lawver,  Mr.  Ten- 
nant,  left  next  morning  without  waiting  for  court  to 
meet,  or  making  his  appearance  in  court  at  all.  Judge 
Colcock  mentioned  the  following  anecdote  of  Judge 
Burke,  who  had  a  great  horror  of  gouging.  He  thought 
boxing  a  manly  exercise,  and  not  at  all  disreputable  in 
the  settlement  of  difficulties  between  the  yeomanry  of 
the  country ;  but  gouging  and  biting  were  savage  and 


Chakles  J.  Colcock.  37 

brutal,  and  unbecoming  manhood.  Whilst  trying  a. 
land  case  at  Cambridge,  Judge  Burke  took  special  notice 
of  the  parties  litigant  and  their  witnesses.  He  observed 
a  good  many  eyes  missing  and  was  greatly  horrified  at 
the  spectacle  which  had  not  attracted  the  attention  of 
any  one  else.  After  the  testimony  was  heard,  and  the 
argument  concluded,  it  became  the  duty  of  his  Honor  to 
charge  the  jury  on  the  law  of  thecase,  and  hecommenced 
in  the  following  language:  'Before  God,  gentlemen  of 
the  jury,  I  never  saw  such  a  thing  before  in  the  world! 
There  is  a  plaintiff  with  an  eye  out !  The  defendant  with 
an  eye  out!  A  juror  with  an  eye  out!  And  two  wit- 
nesses with  an  eye  out!  What  a  state  of  society  you 
must  have  in  this  part  of  the  country !  It  is  savage  and 
brutal.'" 

"  October  3d,  1837.— Governor  Hayne  returned  last 
evening.  He  is  full  of  anecdotes.  In  speaking  of  Lord 
Selkirk,  whom  his  son,  William  Hayne,  had  just  visited  in 
England,  the  Governor  said  his  Lordship  was  in  South 
Carolina  a  few  years  since,  and  gave  him  a,  most  graphic- 
description  of  his  passage  from  Columbia  to  Charleston 
in  the  stage.  Whilst  passing  through  a  gloomy  region 
of  the  country,  amidst  the  pines  and  swamps,  late  in 
the  night,  the  horses  ran  off,  but  kept  the  road.  Lord 
Selkirk  had  heard  dreadful  accounts  of  the  stage  dri  vers, 
their  driving,  and  the  roughness  of  the  roads.  At  first 
he  thought  the  driver  was  giving  him  and  his  white 
servant  (no  one  else  being  in  the  coach)  a  specimen  of 
his  fast,  rough,  Democratic  driving.  The  jolting  was 
terrible,  but  he  bore  it  patiently  for  sometime.  At  last 
he  began  to  remonstrate,  but  he  was  not  heeded  by  the 
driver.  Finally  he  got  up  and  found  there  was  no  one 
on  the  driver's  box.  Suddenly  one  of  the  wheels  came 
off,  and  the  horses  were  unable  to  proceed  any  farther. 
He  went  back  to  look  for  the  driver  and  found  him  lying 
in  the  road  with  his  head  crushed  to  pieces.  In  speaking 
of   Mr.  Calhoun's  speech  on  the  President's  message, 


88  Charles  J.  Colcock. 

Governor  Ha.yne  said  he  was  surprised  to  find  the 
separation  of  the  government  from  all  banks  and  the 
payment  of  the  revenue  in  specie  so  favorably  received 
in  Charleston.  Both  the  Courier  and  Mercury  approved 
the  measure,  and  Judge  Colcock,  president  of  the  bank, 
expressed  himself  in  favor  of  it  the  other  night.  The 
Governor  said  he  had  no  doubt  all  this  was  owing  to 
Mr.  Calhoun's  letters  and  correspondence.  That  Mr. 
Calhoun  had  been  writing  to  his  friends  with  a  view  of 
feeling  his  strength  on  this  question  ;  that  Judge  Colcock 
had  the  most  implicit  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and 
sagacity  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  that  the  Mercury  had 
probably  received  a  lesson  from  Barnwell  Smith,  who  is 
the  brother-in-law  of  the  editor." 

Judge  Colcock  whilst  on  the  Appeal  bench,  was  very 
much  given  to  indulging  himself  in  a  short  nap,  whilst 
the  lawyers  were  boring  the  court  with  their  long  and 
dull  arguments.  Now  and  then  he  would  be  roused  from 
his  slumbers  by  the  vehemence  of  the  counsel,  to  the 
great  amusement  of  his  associates  on  the  bench,  who, 
no  doubt,  envied  him  his  happy  faculty  of  killing  time. 


.jL°zm 


V-® 


*4J 


THOMAS  CORWIN. 

II  N  the  latter  part  of  the  Winter  of  1853,  whilst  as- 
i  sisting  in  the  defence  of  Dr.  Gardiner,  in  the  District 
Court  at  Washington,  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  make 
the  acquaintance  of  Governor  Corwin,  who  was  then  a 
member  of  President  Fillmore's  Cabinet.  He  had  al- 
ready been,  for  many  years,  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  and  Senator  in 
Congress  from  the  State  of  Ohio,  as  well  as  Governor  of 
that  State.  I  had  known  him  by  reputation  for  many 
years  previous  to  my  introduction  to  him,  and  was 
prejudiced  against  him.  He  had  taken  a  strong  stand 
against  the  South,  and  said  many  bitter  things  against 
us,  both  in  Congress  and  in  his  electioneering  speeches 
before  the  people.  A  gentleman,  who  had  a  wonderful 
memory,  once  repeated  to  me  portions  of  a  speech  he 
heard  him  make  in  Ohio,  whilst  canvassing  the  State  for 
Governor.  Nothingcould  have  been  more  sarcastic  and 
venomous  than  his  allusion  to  South  Carolina  and  her 
politics  at  that  time.  Whilst  a  member  of  the  United 
States  Senate,  he  made  a  most  eloquent  and  powerful 
speech  against  the  Mexican  War,  and  went  so  far  as  to 
say  that  our  soldiers  and  officers  there  should  be  wel- 
comed by  the  Mexicans  "with  bloody  hands  to  hospit- 
able graves  " 

WThilst  Mr.  Corwin  was  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  with  Hugh  S.  Legare,  there  was  a  dis- 
pute about  some  classical  allusion  or  quotation,  which 
was  referred  to  Mr.  Legare.  This  gentleman,  who  was 
pre-eminent  for  his  scholarship  and  classical  learning, 
said:  "Ask  Corwin;  he  remembers  everything."  Mr. 
Corwin  was,  at  that  time,  comparatively  a  young  man  : 
but  his  reputation  as  a  scholar  was  unsurpassed  in  Con- 


40  Thomas  Corwin. 

gress.  His  eloquence,  too,  was  of  the  most  stirring'  and 
thrilling  character.  In  the  delivery  of  his  speeches  and 
orations,  he  was  an  actor  as  well  as  an  orator. 

The  next  day,  after  my  introdution  to  Governor  Cor- 
win, he  invited  me  to  dine  with  him.  There  were  two  or 
three  gentlemen  present  with  his  daughters  at  the  table. 
Mrs.  Corwin  had  returned  to  Onio,  and  was  not  present. 
I  do  not  know  that  I  was  ever  more  agreeably  enter- 
tained at  a  gentleman's  table.  In  writing  home  an  ac- 
count of  the  entertainment,  I  said:  "I  have  just  re- 
turned from  a.  most  agreeable  and  interesting  dinner 
party  at  Mr.  Secretary  Corwin 's,  and  really  I  have 
seldom,  if  ever,  met  a,  more  charming  gentleman  than 
Governor  Corwin.  How  little  do  we  know  of  public  men 
whom  we  have  never  seen?"  How  often,  too,  is  our 
opinion  of  them  founded  in  error  and  prejudice.  This, 
I  am  free  to  confess,  was  my  case  in  regard  to  Senator 
Corwin.  In  conversation,  he  is  surpassed  by  no  one, 
full  of  learning  and  information,  wit  and  humor,  and 
his  manners  are  warm,  frank  and  cordial.  He  spoke  in 
strong  terms  of  denunciation  of  the  abolition  feeling, 
and  the  character  of  the  Yankee  Abolitionists.  He  said 
they  were  a  whining,  canting,  praying  set  of  fellows,  who 
kept  regular  books  of  debit  and  credit  with  the  Al- 
mighty. They  would  lie  and  cheat  all  the  week,  and 
pray  off  their  sins  on  Sunday.  If  they  could  steal  a 
negro,  that  made  a,  very  large  entry  to  their  credit,  and 
would  cover  a  multitude  of  peccadillos  and  fraud.  This 
sort  of  entries  they  were  always  glad  to  make,  because 
it  cost  them  nothing.  When  they  could  not  steal  a 
negro,  they  gave  something  in  charity  and  for  the  ex- 
tension of  the  Gospel,  and  then  commenced  a  system  of 
fraud  and  cheating,  till  they  thought  they  had  balanced 
accounts  with  their  God  ! 

Governor  Corwin  said  on  Ir's  return  to  Ohio,  after  he 
had  accepted  a  seat  in  President  Fillmore's  Cabinet,  he 
was  met  by  a  long-faced  Yankee  preacher,  who  took  him 


Thomas  Corwin.  41 

to  task  for  sanctioning  and  approving  the  compromise. 
The  Governor  inquired  what  objections  he  had  to  the 
compromise,  to  which  the  preacher  replied  :  "  The  Fugi- 
tive Slave  Bill."  "Are  you  better,'7  said  Mr.  Corwin, 
"than  St,  Paul?"  "No,"  said  the  preacher,  "I  do 
not  suppose  I  am."  "  Well,"  said  Mr.  Corwin,  "he  ad- 
vised a  fugitive  slave  to  return  to  his  master,  but  you, 
a  damned  hyprocite,  would  have  assisted  him  in  making 
his  escape  to  Canada." 

Governor  Corwin  was  a  gentleman  of  ordinary  height, 
rather  stout  and  well  built,  with  a  very  dark  com- 
plexion, black  hair  and  black  eyes.  There  was  nothing 
very  striking  or  commanding  in  his  appearance.  But 
every  one  who  saw  him  would  see  that  he  was  a  man  of 
strong  intellect  and  firm  purpose.  I  should  not  have 
taken  him  for  an  orator,  but  for  a  man  of  great  prac- 
tical sense  and  wisdom.  There  was  nothing  of  the 
scholar  or  student  in  his  appearance.  He  would  have 
passed,  amongst  strangers  as  the  most  practical  of 
men,  a  great  manufacturer  or  merchant,  cool,  calculat- 
ing and  mechanical.  Looking  at  him,  one  would  sup- 
pose he  was  a  good  liver,  though  temperate.  He  was 
so.  No  one  would  have  supposed  there  was  any  poetry 
in  his  composition,  or  eloquence  in  his  nature,  or  love  of 
literature  in  the  man. 

In  the  letter  from  which  I  have  made  a  quotation,  I 
state  that  Governor  Corwin  is  very  much  like  Chancellor 
Dunkin  in  his  manner  of  conversing.  He  tells  a  story 
better  than  any  one  I  ever  heard,  because  he  acts  the 
story.  On  the  stage  he  would  have  had  few  equals.  I 
once  heard  him  tell  a  story  of  his  early  reminiscences  of 
the  bar  in  the  Great  West,  to  a  number  of  gentlemen, 
with  wonderful  humor  and  dramatic  effect.  He  was 
attending  court  in  some  remote  county  in  Ohio,  where 
there  was  a  young,  gauky,  green  lawyer,  who  wished  to 
be  initiated  into  the  fraternity  of  Free  Masons.  The 
Judge  and  bar  concluded  they  would  have  rare  sport 


42  Thomas  Corwin . 

with  the  fellow.  Corwin  was  present,  and  took  an 
active  part  in  the  .-mysterious  ceremonies.  The  lodge 
was  dimly  lighted,  and  one  of  the  cempany  was  dressed 
up  to  represent  the  Devil,  with  horns,  tail  and  cloven 
foot.  All  the  paraphernalia  of  Masonry,  with  a  good 
deal  besides,  was  placed  in  order  to  have  the  best  effect. 
The  young  lawyer  was  introduced  with  great  solemnity, 
and  told  to  make  a  confession  of  all  his  sins  before 
initiation.  He  commenced,  and  related  a  great  many 
little  peccadillos  which  he  had  committed  in  the  course 
of  his  life.  He  had  lied  a  good  deal,  cheated  some,  and 
stolen  a  little.  When  he  concluded,  the  father-confessor 
told  him  to  make  a  clean  breast  of  it,  or  the  Devil  would 
take  him  off  instantly .  This  terrible  looking  personage 
commenced  stamping  with  his  cloven  foot,  and  wagging 
his  ugly  tail  furiously.  The  young  lawyer  began  to 
tremble  like  an  aspen  leaf;  great  drops  of  perspira- 
tion rolled  down  his  ashy-pale  face,  and  his  knees  were 
seen  to  knock  together.  He  hesitated,  and  begged  that 
the  ceremony  might  be  suspended.  His  father-confessor 
replied  that  it  must  go  on.  He  then  begged  that  he 
might  be  permitted  to  withdraw,  but  he  was  told  that 
this  was  not  permissable.  Having  once  entered  the 
lodge  he  was  compelled  to  go  through  the  ceremony,  and 
it  could  not  be  postponed  to  a  future  night.  The  Devil, 
too,  began  to  advance  on  him,  and  told  him  to  "out 
with  it,"  for  he  knew  very  well  the  crime  which  he  was 
trying  to  conceal  from  his  brother  Masons.  In  utter 
desperation,  the  fellow  said,  on  one  occasion— giving 
time  and  place — he  had  been  too  intimate  with  the 
Judge's  wife!  If  a  thunder-bolt  had  fallen  on  the  floor, 
it  could  not,  said  Governor  Corwin,  have  produced 
greater  consternation .  Instantly  the  meeting  broke  up, 
and  the  Judge  separated  from  his  wife. 

Governor  Corwin  was  a  native  of  Kentucky,  and  told 
me  that  it  was  his  purpose  to  return  to  Kentucky,  and 
spend  the  remainder  of  his  life.    He  said  he  had  de- 


Thomas  Corwin 


43 


termined  so  to  do  from  a  circumstance  which  had  hap- 
pened on  his  return  home  to  vote  for  Governor  Scott. 
He  was  seated  by  the  fire,  playing  with  his  children,  the 
evening  of  his  arrival  at  home,  when  a  number  of  Ger- 
mans called  to  demand  his  reasons  for  refusing  to  vote 
supplies  for  thetroopsin  Mexico?  Hesaid,in  all  proba- 
bility, they  were  the  descendent  of  those  Hessians  whom 
his  father  had  fought  in  the  Revolutionary  War.  One 
of  them  he  kicked  out  of  his  house,  and  shut  the  door 
on  the  others.  But  Governor  Corwin  did  not  return  to 
his  native  State,  but  died  a  citizen  of  Ohio. 


JOHN  JAY  CRITTENDEN. 

1|N  my  early  youth,  long  before  Mr.  Crittenden  entered 
public  life  at  Washington,  I  heard  him  spoken  of  by 
gentlemen  from  Kentucky,  as  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers 
and  most  eloquent  advocates  at  any  Bar  in  the  United 
States.  By  many  he  was  even  then  regarded  as  the  equal 
of  Henry  Clay  in  learning,  talents  and  ability.  So  rapid 
was  his  rise  at  the  Bar,  and  so  brilliant  was  his  fame  as 
a  lawyer,  that  he  was  nominated  by  President  John 
Quincy  Adams,  as  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  when  he  was  only  thirty-seven  years  old. 
But  the  Senate  did  not  approve  of  the  nomination  of 
one  so  young  to  so  high  a  position  in  the  Judiciary.  It 
is  likely,  too,  that  the  opposition  to  Mr.  Adams  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  was  unwilling  to  see  the 
bosom  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  his  Secretary  of  State,  placed 
on  the  Supreme  Bench.  Political  parties  were  very  bit- 
ter at  that  time,  and  Mr.  Clay  had  made  himself  very 
odious  to  the  Jackson  party  by  his  support  of  Adams 
and  taking  office  under  him. 

Mr.  Crittenden  was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  from  Kentucky  in  1835,  as  the  colleague  of  Henry 
Clay.  When  he  made  his  debut  in  that  illustrious  body 
as  a  public  speaker,  it  is  said  that  Mr.  Clay  was  deeply 
interested,  and  manifested  great  concern  for  the  success 
of  his  friend.  But  he  never  felt  any  uneasiness  after- 
wards when  his  colleague  rose  to  address  the  Senate. 
He  was  sure  he  would  not  only  sustain  the  high  repu- 
tation he  had  brought  with  him  from  Kentucky,  but 
that  his  fame  would  increase  with  every  effort  he  made. 

In  1841  Mr.  Crittenden  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate 
and  accepted  the  office  of  Attorney  General,  under 
President  Harrison.    The  death  of  President  Harrison 


John  J.  Crittenden.  45 

and  the  accession  of  Tyler  to  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States,  caused  the  resignation  of  the  Attorney 
General.  I  saw  several  letters  from  Mr.  Crittenden  to 
General  Thompson,  explaining-  his  reasons  for  retiring 
from  the  cabinet  of  President  Tyler.  They  expressed  the 
highest  and  most  delicate  sense  of  honor,  in  terms  most 
courtly  and  graceful.  I  was  in  admiration  of  the  man, 
the  patriot  and  statesman.  We  are  very  apt  to  form 
some  idea  of  the  persona]  appearance  of  those  we  know 
by  reputation  only  and  admire.  How  seldom  are  those 
ideas  correctly  drawn.  The  pious  and  philosophical 
writer  of  "The  Leisure  Moments  of  a  Country  Parson," 
says  that  he  had  never  seen  Dickens  and  never  wished  to 
see  him.  He  admired  him  so  much,  and  had  formed  such 
an  opinion  of  his  appearance,  manners,  &c,  that  he  was 
afraid  of  being  disappointed  in  seeing  him.  My  opinion 
of  Crittenden,  after  reading  his  letters  and  speeches  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  was,  that  he  must  be  a  most 
polished  gentleman,  tall,  graceful  and  fine  looking,  digni- 
fied in  his  manners,  and  not  easily  approached.  When 
I  visited  Washington  in  1846,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  an 
introduction  to  Mr.  Crittenden  and  received  an  invita- 
tion to  spend  the  evening  with  him  and  Senator  Archer 
at  their  rooms  on  Capitol  Hill.  Senator  Barron  of 
Louisiana,  Mr.  Pendleton  of  Virginia,  the  Russian 
Minister,  Boadisco,  and  one  or  two  other  gentlemen 
were  present.  A  game  of  whist  was  proposed,  and  Mr. 
Crittenden  pulled  off  his  coat,  placed  a  bottle  of  whiskey 
on  the  table,  and  commenced  the  game,  with  the  Russian 
Minister  as  his  partner.  Whilst  looking  at  him  in  his 
shirt  sleeves,  taking  a  glass  of  corn  whiskey,  and  cutting 
his  wit  at  his  Imperial  Highness' Embassador,  I  thought 
to  myself,  is  it  possible  that  this  little  plain,  rough-look- 
ing man,  is  the  tall,  high  bred,  polished  and  courtly 
gentleman  I  had  pictured  to  my  mind  on  reading  his 
noblest  speeches  and  high  toned  letters !  The  charm  was 
broken,  and  I  thought  that  "distance  lends  enchantment 


46  John  J.  Crittenden. 

to  the  view"  of  human  greatness,  as  well  as  that  of 
mountain  scenery !  Mr.  Crittenden  was  really  ugly,  with 
contracted  features,  and  had  no  stamp  oi  greatness  in 
his  personal  appearance,  or  manners.  He  was  rather 
under  the  medium  height  and  slender.  It  seemed  to  me 
that  age  was  rapidly  telling  on  him,  but  he  lived  in  use- 
ful public  life  for  upwards  of  fifteen  years  afterwards, 
and  married  his  third  wife  when  he  must  have  been 
seventy  years  old. 

He  was  a  good  whist  player,  I  suppose,  for  he  found 
great  fault  with  his  Russian  partner  and  abused  his 
playing  roundly.  He  told  him  he  ought  not  to  have  ex- 
pected anything  better  from  one  of.  the  great  Czar's 
subjects,  for  they  were  only  semi-civilized,  and  most  of 
them  not  much  above  the  North  American  aborigines! 
The  Russian  Mininister,  who  was  as  plain  in  his  ap- 
pearance as  Mr.  Crittenden,  and  equally  democratic, 
took  all  this  in  good  part  and  retorted  as  well  as  he 
could. 

Boadisco  was  fifty  or  sixty  years  old  and  had  not 
many  years  before  this  married  a  school  girl  in  George- 
town, about  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  old.  The  wed- 
ding was  said  to  have  been  a  most  magnificent  one,  and 
the  brides  trousseau  was  made  up  in  Paris  and  presented 
by  the  bridegroom  •  She  was  a  very  beautiful  and  lovely 
girl,  and  I  remember  hearing  Mrs.  Poinsett,  who  was  at 
the  wedding,  say  that  she  deported  herself  on  the 
occasion  as  if  she  had  been  a  princess  born  and  educated. 

When  I  met  Mr.  Crittenden  in  1846,  he  had  been  mar- 
ried several  years  to  his  second  wife,  a  fine  looking  and 
magnificent  lady.  She  was  a  widow  with  seven  or  eight 
children,  and  he  had  about  the  same  number.  A  pretty 
good  number  for  a  married  couple  to  commence  life 
with.  It  is  said  they  all  lived  together  in  beautiful 
harmony  and  domestic  happiness.  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  making  Mrs.  Crittenden's  acquaintance,  and  she  was, 
indeed,  a  charming  lady.  A  gentleman  who  was  on 
terms  of  great  intimacy  with  the  family,  told  me  that  he 


John  J.  Crittenden.  47 

once  advised  her  to  speak  to  Mr.  Crittenden  about  the 
bad  habits  one  of  his  sons  was  contracting.  She  replied  : 
"  I  have  made  it  a  rule  never  to  speak  to  Mr.  Crittenden 
reprovingly  of  any  of  his  children."  Some  years  after 
this,  Mr.  Crittenden  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  this  most 
excellent  and  accomplished  lady.  He  then  married  his 
third  wife,  who  was  the  widow  of  General  Asheley,  of 
Kentucky,  a  gay  and  fashionable  lady  between  fifty  and 

sixty. 

It  was  in  this  session  of  1846,  and  just  before  my 
arrival  in  Washington  that  Mr.  Crittenden  made  his  in- 
dignant burst  in  the  Senate  against  Senator  Allen,  of 
Ohio,  who  had  undertaken  to  lecture  the  Senators  on 
their  duty  and  propriety  in  some  measure  before  the 
Senate.  He  commenced  with  a  familiar  quotation  from 
Shakespeare:  "What  meat  is  this  our  Caesar  feeds  on, 
that  he  has  grown  so  great,"  &c;  and  then  said  :  "Mr. 
President,  I  never  meet  vulgar  arrogance  or  pretension, 
but  that  the  instinct  of  my  nature  prompts  me  to 
trample  it  in  the  dust,"  &c.  The  whole  speech  was 
scornful  and  withering  in  the  extreme  and  greatly 
applauded. 

In  1846  Mr.  Crittenden  retired  from  the  Senate  and 
was  elected  Governor  of  Kentucky.  He  was  then 
appointed  the  second  time  Attorney-General  of  the 
United  States  by  President  Fillmore.  In  1852  or  '53, 
he  was  again  elected  to  the  Senate,  and  continued  a 
member  of  that  body  till  the  breaking  out  of  the  civil 
war.  He  strove  most  zealously  and  patriotically  to 
avert  this  dreadful  issue,  but  his  proposed  compromise 
was  rejected  and  he  diedhefore  the  close  of  the  war.  His 
eldest  son  took  sides  with  the  Confederacy  and  became 
a  general  in  the  regular  army.  The  father  of  Mr.  Crit- 
tenden was  one  of  the  early  pioneer  settlers  of  Kentucky, 
and  was  killed  by  the  falling  of  a  tree,  leaving  his  family 
in  very  humble  circumstances.  His  children  were  noted 
for  intellectual  ability.  Few  men  have  died  in  Ken- 
tucky more  distinguished  or  venerated  for  their  virtues 
and  talents  than  John  Jay  Crittenden. 


SALMON  P.  CHASE. 

S  I  was  on  my  way  to  the  New  York  Democratic 
Convention,  I  stopped  in  Washington  a  day  or 
two  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  the  President  and  others. 
Mr.  Long,  of  Ohio,  kindly  invited  me  to  visit  the  Chief 
Justice,  and  have  a  conversation  with  him  in  reference 
to  his  political  views  and  opinions. 

The  name  of  Chief  Justice  Chase  had  been  prominently 
brought  before  the  public  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dential nomination  by  the  New  York  Convention.  Gov- 
ernor Bonham,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Col.  Jones,  of 
Kentucky,  accompanied  us.  The  Chief  Justice  received 
us  very  kindly  and  we  discussed  the  politics  of  the  day 
for  some  time.  In  reference  to  himself,  he  said,  that  he 
had  always  adhered  to  the  Democratic  principles  and 
was  a  States'  Rights  man.  I  mentioned  that  I  remem- 
bered on  one  occasion  he  and  Mr.  Barnwell  Rhett,  of 
South  Carolina,  voted  together  in  the  Senate  on  a  very 
important  States'  Rights  question  as  to  the  rendition 
of  fugitive  slaves.  He  replied,  that,  on  that  occasion, 
after  expressing  his  views  in  reference  to  the  fugitive 
slave  bill,  Mr.  Rhett  came  over  to  his  seat  and  said  :  "I 
agree  with  you  in  the  views  you  have  expressed,  they  are 
the  true  States'  Rights  doctrine."  The  Chief  Justice 
contended  in  that  debate,  that  Congress  had  no  consti- 
tutional power  to  pass  the  fugitive  slave  bill,  but  that 
the  Constitution  required  the  States  to  do  so.  I  remem- 
ber thinking  at  the  time,  that  Mr.  Chase  knew  very  well 
the  Northern  States  would  pass  no  law  on  the  subject, 
and  that  if  Congress  did  not,  no  fugitives  would  be  sur- 
rendered .  I  thought,  likewise,  that  M  r.  Rhett  entertained 
the  same  opinion,  and  that  this  refusal  on  the  part 
of  the  Northern  States  would  greatly  increase  the  excite- 


Salmon  P.  Chase.  49 

ment    at  the  South    snd   pave  the  way  to  disunion. 

The  Southern  States  could  say  the  North  has  broken 
the  Federal  compact,  and  we  are  no  longer  bound  by  it. 

In  thinking  this,  I  may  ha  ye  done  both  the  Chief 
Justice  and  Mr.  Rhett  injustice.  But  it  was  rather 
strange  to  see  two  Senators,  the  anti-podes  of  each  other 
on  slavery,  voting  together  on  so  vital  a  question. 

In  reference  to  the  right  of  suffrage,  the  Chief  Justice 
said  it  was  for  the  States  to  regulate  this  matter,  and 
that  Congress  had  no  power  to  legislate  on  the  subject. 
He  thought  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  controlling  the 
negro  vote  in  the  Southern  States.  "Property  and 
brains,"  said  he,  "Will  always  control  labor."  I  thought 
to  myself,  why  are  you,  then,  in  favor  of  negroes  voting, 
when  you  admit  they  may  be  always  controlled  by  their 
employers?  It  is  nothing  more  or  less,  than  giving  ad- 
ditional suffrage  to  property  and  brains.  I  replied  to 
the  Chief  Justice,  that  carpet  baggers  from  the  North 
had  the  negroes  under  their  control  in  the  Southern 
States,  and  that  they  would  not  be  influenced  by  their 
former  owners  and  true  friends.  He  said  this  could  not 
continue  long.  The  carpet-baggers  would  have  to  leave 
the  country  pretty  soon,  or  become  identified  with  the 
people  in  interest  and  feeling. 

I  was  very  much  impressed  with  the  Chief  Justice  as  a 
man  of  talents  and  ability.  He  is  certainly  one  of  the 
ablest  men  in  America.  He  is  a  noble  looking  gentleman 
and  his  manners  are  very  pleasant  and  agreeable.  He 
converses  extremely  well.  I.  thought  he  seemed  very 
willing  to  be  nominated  by  the  Democratic  party.  But 
it  would  be  strange  indeed,  as  I  wrote  General  Hampton, 
to  see  the  Democratic  party  going  into  the  camp  of  the 
enemy  to  select  a  general  to  command  their  forces  in 
battle.  Mr.  Chase  would  have  been  the  nominee  of  the 
Radical  party,  but  for  the  military  reputation  of  Gene- 
ral Grant. 

There  was  a  strong  feeling  in  the  convention  to  bring 


50  Salmon  P.  Chase. 

forward  the  Chief  Justice,  and  he  would  have  been 
nominated  by  the  New  York  delegation,  had  not  Horatio 
Seymour's  name  been  presented,  when  it  was,  by  the 
Ohio  delegation.  His  nomination  would  have  been  a 
bitter  pill  for  Southern  Democrats  to  swallow,  as  he  had 
always  been  the  fiercest  of  Abolitionists,  and  one  of  the 
bitterest  opponents  of  the  South. 


WINFIELD  SCOTT  HANCOCK. 

T  SAW  General  Hancock  for  the  first  time,  in  the  ladies' 
J^  parlor  at  the  Metropolitan  Hotel  in  Washington,  as 
I  was  on  my  way  to  the  Democratic  Convention  in  New 
York.  I  admired  very  much  his  appearance  and  man- 
ners. He  is  a  tall,  stout  gentleman,  with  a  fine  face  and 
head.  He  left  his  card  for  me  at  the  office  of  the  hotel, 
and  I  called  to  see  him  the  next  day,  in  company  with 
several  others,  and  amongst  them,  General  Bonham, 
whose  Adjutant,  General  Hancock  had  been  in  the  Mexi- 
can war.  He  talked  very  freely  about  the  Presidential 
nomination,  and  seemed  very  willing  to  be  selected  as 
the  standard  bearer  of  the  Democracy.  He  has  all  the 
frankness  of  a  soldier,  with  the  polish  and  cordiality  of 
a  well-bred  gentleman.  He  is  a  man  of  great  good 
sense  and  ability,  and  I  should  say  possesses  a  good 
heart.  His  administration  in  Louisiana  and  Texas 
rendered  him  very  popular  with  the  Democracy  every- 
where, North  as  well  as  South.  His  conduct  was  in 
striking  contrast  with  that  of  the  military  satraps  who 
had  been  appointed  in  the  Southern  States.  He  showed 
in  every  act  of  his  government  a  love  of  republican 
principles,  and  a  devotion  to  civil  and  constitutional 
liberty.  His  letters  in  defence  of  his  conduct,  and  his 
instructions  to  civil  officers,  are  admirable.  He  has  a 
a  very  happy  way  of  expressing  himself  in  his  letters 
and  writings. 

South  Carolina,  and  most  of  the  Southern  States,  cast 
their  votes  for  him  after  President  Johnson  was  with- 
drawn. Independent  of  the  high  appreciation  of  his  wise, 
just  and  liberal  administration,  the  South  wished  to 
show  the  world  that  she  could  honor  and  respect  a  brave 
General,  who,  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  had  waged 


52  Winfield  Scott  Hancock. 

war  against  her,  and  after  the  war  was  over,  had  been 
disposed  to  treat  her  with  the  magnanimity  of  an  hon- 
orable victor. 

After  the  convention  adjourned,  General  Hancock 
came  on  to  New  York,  where  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
meeting  him  again.  He  seemed  a  little  dispirited  at  his 
defeat,  but  very  grateful  to  the  South  for  her  support. 
I  witnessed  the  introduction  between  him  and  General 
Wade  Hampton.  They  fought  a  terrible  battle  in  Vir- 
ginia, where  Hampton  captured  twenty-three  hundred 
of  his  troops,  and  would  have  captured  him  if  he  had 
been  allowed  to  pursue  his  victory.  Immediately  on 
their  introduction,  General  Hancock  said  to  Hampton: 
"We  have  met  before,  General."  "Yes,  sir,"  replied 
Hampton,  "we  met  once  before  in  Virginia,  I  know." 
They  commenced  fighting  over  their  battle  again,  and 
had  quite  an  interesting  conversation. 

General  Hancock  is  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  may  yet 
live  to  be  President.  His  letter,  after  the  nomination, 
to  a  friend  in  Missouri,  who  informed  him  that  it  was 
reported  he  would  not  support  the  nomination,  is  a 
manly  and  admirable  one.  The  General  says  in  this 
letter  that  he  was  thought  of  only  on  account  of  his 
principles,  and  that  it  would  be  strange  indeed  for  him 
to  abandon  his  principles  because  another  had  been 
selected  to  carry  them  out. 

The  record  of  General  Hancock  in  the  history  of  the 
war  is  equal  to  that  of  any  of  his  distinguished  com- 
peers in  the  Federal  Army. 


MRS.  LOUISA  CUNNINGHAM 


sHIS  accomplished  and  patriotic  lady  deserves  more 
than  a  passing  obituary  notice,  which  I  have  been 
requested  to  write  by  her  talented  and  distinguished 
daughter,  the  Regent  of  the  Mount  Vernon  Association. 
I  knew  her  well,  and  enjoyed  her  warm  and  disinterested 
friendship  for  nearly  the  half  of  a  century.  In  the 
course  of  a.  long  life,  I  have  never  met  a  lady  of  higher 
social  qualities,  or  purer  sentiments  of  duty  and  patri- 
otism. 

Mrs.  Cunningham  departed  this  life  on  the  6th  of  Oc- 
tober, 1873,  at  her  old  family  mansion,  "Ross  Mont," 
in  Laurens  County,  South  Carolina,  in  the  eightieth  year 
of  her  age.  She  was  the  wife  of  Captain  Robert  Cun- 
ningham, distinguished  for  his  wealth,  culture  and 
noble  hospitality.  Helived  in  baronial  style,  surrounded 
by  all  the  luxuries  which  fortune  can  give.  His  house 
was  ever  the  resort  of  friends  and  acquaintances,  from 
the  lower  and  upper  country,  who  always  met  a  most 
cordial  and  hospitable  reception,  and  the  longer  they 
stayed  the  more  welcome  they  were.  He  was  a  gentle- 
man of  great  public  spirit  and  charity,  as  well  as  hospi- 
tality and  friendship.  During  the  War  of  1812,  he 
raised  a  volunteer  company,  and  entered  the  service  of 
his  country.  He  adopted  and  educated  several  of  his 
own  and  his  wife's  nephews  and  nieces.  The  Hon.  Wil- 
liam L.  Yancey,  and  his  brother,  Benjamin  C.  Yancey, 
were  among  them. 

Mrs.  Cunningham  was  the  daughter  of  Colonel  William 
Bird,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  moved  to  Georgia  in  1796. 
His  family  was  one  of  great  social  distinction  and  wealth 
in  Pennsylvania,  and  three  of  his  sisters  married  into 
the  families  of  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  American 


54  Mrs.  Louisa  Cunningham. 

Independence— Reed,  of  Delaware;  George  Ross  and 
Judge  Wilson  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
The  family  mansion  of  the  Birds,  in  Birdsborough,  is 
historical,  and  was  one  of  the  most  elegant  residences 
in  the  Colony.  Mrs.  Cunningham  was  born  in  Alex- 
andria, Virginia,  and  was  six  years  old  when  her  father, 
who  was  ayounger  son,  and  inherited  none  of  the  patri- 
monial estate,  moved  to  Georgia  to  seek  his  fortune  in 
a  new  country.  The  mother  of  Mrs.  Cunningham  was  a 
daughter  of  Colonel  Dalton,  of  Alexandria,  and  after 
her  marriage  to  William  Bird,  was  known  as  "  the  Pretty 
Bird  of  Virginia."  Her  youngest  sister,  who  died  young, 
had  the  honor  of  winning  the  heart  and  refusing  the 
hand  of  the  immortal  Washington,  when  he  was  sur- 
veying lands  for  Lord  Fairfax,  and  only  seventeen  or 
eighteen  years  old.  The  second  sister  of  Mrs.  Cunning- 
ham's mother  married  Mr.  Herbert,  who  was  afterwards 
connected  by  marriage  with  the  Washingtons  and  Fair- 
faxes. 

Colonel  Bird,  the  father  of  Mrs.  Cunningham,  had  a 
large  family  of  daughters,  who  were  all  remarkable  for 
their  beauty  and  accomplishments,  and  were  great  belles 
in  Georgia.  General  McComb,  of  the  United  States  Army, 
very  appropriately  dubbed  the  Colonel's  residence  ''The 
Aviary,"  by  which  it  was  extensively  known  afterwards, 
and  so  called.  One  of  his  daughters  married  Benjamin 
Yancey,  perhaps  the  most  talented  and  highly  gifted 
member  of  the  South  Carolina  Bar  at  that  time.  He 
died  very  young,  leaving  two  sons,  whom  I  have  already 
mentioned  as  the  wards  of  Mr.  Cunningham.  Mrs. 
Cunningham  had  the  reputation  ot  being  the  most 
beautiful  of  all  Colonel  Bird's  lovely,  talented  and  ac- 
complished daughters.  She  was  not  only  beautiful  her- 
self, but  she  had  a  love  and  taste  for  the  beautiful.  Her 
passion  for  flowers  was  unsurpassed  ;  she  collected  them 
from  all  parts  of  the  world.  Her  flowers  and  shrubbery 
covered  acres  of  ground  around  ''Rose  Mont,"  which 


Mrs.  Louisa  Cunningham.  55 

she  watched  over  and  cultivated  with  the  care  of  a 
mother  for  her  infant  children.  She  had  the  honor  of 
being  the  pioneer  florist  in  the  up  country.  Soon  after 
her  marriage,  she  settled  at  her  husband's  old  family 
mansion,  which  was  more  than  one  hundred  years  old. 
She  had  the  honor  and  great  pleasure  of  receiving  a 
collection  of  rare  flowers  from  1  fount  Vernon,  sent  her 
by  Judge  Bush  rod  Washington.  Years  afterwards,  when 
I  saw  her  pioneer  garden  and  shrubbery,  they  were 
surpassingly  beautiful, and  laid  off  with  great  taste  and 
artistic  skill.  She  was  most  generous,  too,  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  her  rare  and  beautiful  flowers  and  plants 
amongst  her  friends  and  acquaintances.  Her  nature 
was  kind  and  generous  in  the  extreme,  as  well  as  lovely 
ami  spirited.  She  was  also  truly  pious  and  religious, 
and  all  her  life  a  devout  member  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church.  She  was  sensitive,  perhaps  too  sensitive,  to  the 
slightest  wrong,  and  her  frank  and  spirited  nature 
prompted  her  to  give  expression  to  her  sentiments  and 
feelings  Indeed,  she  was,  as  I  have  often  said,  a  model 
lady,  wife,  mother  and  friend. 

To  Mrs.  Cunningham  belongs  the  distinguished  honor 
of  having  suggested,  and  made  the  first  effort,  towards 
the  organization  of  the  Mount  Vernon  Association,  for 
the  purpose  of  purchasing  the  home  of  the  illustrious 
Washington,  the  Father  of  his  Country,  and  keeping  it 
as  a  sacred  shrine  for  his  countrymen  to  visit,  and  there 
feel  the  inspiration  of  patriotism  and  public  virtue.  She 
heard  with  horror  that  it  was  likely  to  be  sold  to  specu- 
lators, and  urged  her  young  and  highly  gifted  daughter. 
Miss  Pamela,  to  write  an  article  on  the  subject  for  the 
newspapers.  She  did  so,  and  entered  into  the  project 
with  all  her  mother's  zeal,  enthusiasm  and  patriotism. 
The  article  was  fortunate  in  attracting  public  attention. 
It  was  signed  "A  Southern  Matron,"  and  everyone  sup- 
posed it  was  written  by  a  married  lady  of  mature  years. 
Through  the  influence  of  Miss  Pamela  Cunningham,  the 


56  Mes.  Louisa  Cunningham. 

Hon.  Edward  Everett  was  enlisted  in  the  cause *  and  his 
oration  on  "The  Life  and  Character  of  Washington,'' 
which  he  delivered  all  over  the  United  States,  brought 
to  the  Association  sixty  or  seventy  thousand  dollars. 
Private  subscriptions,  procured  by  the  untiring  energy 
and  zeal  of  the  fair  "Southern  Matron,"  from  the  South, 
North,  East  and  West,  made  up  the  necessary  sum  to 
make  the  purchase.  During  all  this  time,  this  remarka- 
ble and  extraordinary  daughter  was  in  extreme  ill 
health,  and  her  physicians  told  her  that  if  she  perse- 
vered in  her  labors,  it  would  be  fatal  to  her.  But  she 
expressed  a  willingness  to  die  in  so  noble  an  undertak- 
ing. 

When  the  Association  was  organized  by  the  ladies  of 
the  United  States,  Miss  Pamela,  who  had  accomplished 
the  great  work  suggested  by  her  mother,  was  unani- 
mously elected  President  of  the  Association,  and  forced 
to  accept  the  position.  She  removed  to  Mount  Vernon, 
and  received  the  applause  and  well-done  of  a,  grateful 
people.  The  Civil  War  came  on,  and  with  it  bitter  sec- 
tional prejudices  and  hatred.  There  were  those  in  the 
North  who,  on  seeing  a  South  Carolina  lady  presiding 
at  Mount  Vernon,  felt  like  Haaman  seeing  Mordeeai  sit- 
ting at  the  King's  gate,  and  vented  their  vile  feelings  in 
base  calumny  and  slander.  With  that  proud  spirit 
which  belongs  to  her  family  and  country,  as  well  as  her 
own  nature,  this  true  and  noble-hearted  young  lady  re- 
signed her  exalted  position,  and  returned  to  her  native 
home  in  South  Carolina— her  health  and  her  fortune 
wrecked  in  the  cause  of  her  country,  and  her  own  noble 
purpose  of  carrying  out  the  patriotic  suggestion  of  her 
mother.  But  history  will  do  her  justice,  and,  as  I  said 
to  her  some  years  ago  in  the  City  of  Washington,  "her 
name  will  be  associated,  in  all  time  to  come,  with  that 
of  the  Father  of  his  Country.''  This  is  glory  and  honor 
enough  to  have  won  for  any  fair  maiden  lady  of  the 
South. 


Mrs.  Louisa  Cunningham.  57 

Little  did  Mrs.  Cunirngham  think,  when  she  made  her 
surest  ion  to  her  invalid  daughter,  that  she  was  impos- 
ing on  her  a  task  so  Herculean,  a  labor  of  twenty  years, 
which  would  bring  her  to  death's  door,  and  leave  her 
almost  penniless,  with  the  vile  slander  of  a  base  Yankee 
neighbor  casting,  for  a  time,  a  cloud  over  her  pure  and 
spotless  life,  her  public-spirited  and  patriotic  services, 
and  her  sensitive  womanly  nature.  The  mother  antici- 
pated nothing  of  this,  but  thought  only  of  the  national 
reproach— the  grave  of  Washington  falling  into  the 
hands  of  speculators  and  showmen !  She  felt,  too,  for 
her  own  family.  Their  blood,  mixed  with  that  of  the 
Washingtons,  lay  in  that  sacred  vault. 

Captain  Robert  Cunningham,  the  husband  of  Mrs. 
Louisa  Cunningham,  was  a  gentleman  of  education  and 
literary  taste.  He  read  law  with  John  C.  Calhoun,  and 
was  one  of  his  favorite  pupils.  But,  being  a  gentleman 
of  very  large  fortune,  he  abandoned  his  profession,  and 
devoted  himself  to  planting.  Once  or  twice  he  served 
the  people  of  Laurens  in  the  Legislature.  It  is  well 
known  that  his  family  were  all  Loyalists  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary War ;  but,  as  he  once  said  to  Colonel  W.  C.  Pres- 
ton :  "History  does  not  accuse  them."  They  were 
otficers  under  the  British  Government  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  Revolution,  and  adhered  to  their  allegiance. 
The  father  of  Captain  Cunningham  was  Deputy  Surveyor 
General  of  the  Province  under  Sir  Egerton  Leigh.  His 
uncle,  Robert  Cunningham,  was  a  Brigadier-General  in 
the  British  service.  John  Cunningham,  au other  brother, 
held  some  appointment  uuder  the  Royal  Government. 
In  speaking  of  the  Cunninghams  of  the  Revolution,  I 
remember  to  have  heard  the  Hon.  Samuel  Earle,  who 
was  a  gallant  Whig  officer  in  the  war,  and  knew  every 
landholder  above  Columbia,  say  that  there  were  not 
three  more  worthy  and  respectable  gentlemen  in  the 
Upper  Country  than  the  three  Cunninghams  I  have 
mentioned. 


58  Mrs.  Louisa  Cunningham. 

But,  suppose  the  leaders  of  the  Revolution  in  South 
Carolina  could  have  foreseen  the  present  condition  of 
their  descendants,  living-  under  the  government  of  their 
former  slavey,  led  on  by  roguish  carpet-baggers  and 
scalawags,  would  they  have  rebelled  ?  Sooner  would  the 
Gadsdens,  Pinckneys,  Elliots,  Hugers,  Marions,  Sum- 
ters  and  Pickenses  have  fallen  on  their  swords  like  old 
Romans,  than  have  brought  such  ignominy  on  their 
country  and  descendants. 

The  death  of  Mrs.  Cunningham  was  sad  in  one  re- 
spect. She  had  just  returned  to  her  desolate  home, 
where,  in  former  days,  there  was  so  much  joy  and  hap- 
piness, troops  of  friends,  and  all  thecomfortsthatluxury 
could  desire.  It  was  deserted,  and  scarcely  a  living  soul 
to  be  seen  !  No  doubt  the  contrast  weighed  heavily  on 
her  heart,  and  may  have  hastened  her  death.  The  loss 
of  fortune,  the  absence  of  her  children  and  grandchildren 
with  the  remembrance  of  her  public  wrongs,  were  too 
much  for  her  refined  nature  and  feeling  heart.  Death 
came  suddenly  to  rescue  her  from  all  her  troubles,  and 
carry  her  pure,  bright  spirit  to  a  world  of  bliss  and 
heavenly  glory.  Her  daughter  was  summoned  home 
too  late  to  see  her  mother  die,  and  now  remains  there 
in  the  saddest  affliction,  which  was  once  her  happy 
home. 

I  have  said  that  Mrs.  Cunningham  was  my  warm  and 
steadfast  friend  through  life.  I  now  recall,  with  a  mel- 
ancholy pleasure,  the  many  pleasant  hours  arid  days  I 
have  spent  in  her  charming  society,  with  her  noble  hus- 
band and  fair  daughter,  at  their  hospitable  mansion, 
amidst  the  flowers,  books  and  luxuries  of  "Rose  Mont.,? 
And  I  am  happy  in  having  this  opportunity  of  paying 
an  humble,  though  grateful,  tribute  of  respect  to  her 
memorv. 


«mm» 


WILLIAM  HENRY  DeSAUSSURR 

G|HANCELLOR  DeSAUSSUREwss  a  most  venerable 
j  and  learned  judge,  and  greatly  esteemed  by  all 
who  knew  him.  He  was  an  officer  in  the  American  Revo- 
lution, and  afterwards  appointed  by  Washington  Super- 
intendent of  the  Mint,  when  first  established  in  Phila- 
delphia. His  father  was  a  man  of  position  and  dis- 
tinction in  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  was  captured 
by  the  British,  and  sent  to  St.  Augustine,  with  many 
others,  who  were  the  principal  citizens  of  Charleston. 
Chancellor  DeSaussure  was  as  remarkable  for  his  man- 
ners and  politeness  in  society  as  he  was  for  his  learning 
and  ability  on  the  bench.  He  was  justly  termed  "The 
Chesterlield  of  South  Carolina."  I  came  to  the  bar  not 
long  before  he  had  resigned  his  seat  on  the  bench,  in 
consequence  of  old  age  and  feebleness,  and  yet  I  saw  a 
good  deal  of  him,  and  have  recorded  in  my  journal 
several  very  interesting  con versations  with  him,  to  which 
I  will  refer. 

"August  14th,  1837. — Judge  DeSaussure  was  here 
some  weekssince.  He  is  very  infirm,  and  must  in  ashort 
time  be  gathered  to  his  fathers.  He  has  beeu  an  able 
and  distinguished  Chancellor  and  faithful  public  servant. 
He  is  a  gentleman  of  remarkable  manners,  always 
courteous  and  polite,  kind  and  obliging,  gallant  to  the 
ladies,  even  in  old  age.  Judge  O'Neal  and  Judge  David 
Johnson  have  also  been  here — the  two  judges  who  weath- 
ered the  storm  of  nullification  so  nobly,  and  whose 
court  was  swept  away  by  its  blighting  influence.  In 
their  persons  the  Judiciarv  of  South  Carolina  received  a 
blow  which  will  affect  its  independence.  Jefferson  said  that 
the  independence  of  the  judges  over  popular  opinion  was 
at  war  with  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  republi- 


60  William  Henry  DeSaussure. 

can  institutions.  In  theory  he  was  right.  Judges 
should  be  elected  for  a  term  of  years,  to  be  consistent 
with  republican  principles.  But  what  sort  of  judiciary 
might  we  not  have?  The  independence  of  fhe  judiciary 
alone  can  restrain  popular  violence,  usurpation  and 
misrule.  This  alone  can  preserve  our  institutions:  and 
yet  it  is  at  war  with  them!  Governor  McDuffie  was 
here  yesterday.  He  has  all  the  appearance  of  old  age 
and  decrepitude.  In  speaking  of  Fisk,  the  anti-bank 
agitator  in  Charleston,  he  remarked  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  sound  philosophy  in  the  'loco-foco'  principles, 
but  it  was  hard  to  reduce  them  to  practice.  He  did 
not  think  a  national  bank  would  be  again  chartered. " 

"September  4th,  1837.— Last  night  I  had  a  very  in- 
teresting-conversation with  Chancellor  DeSaussure  rela- 
tive to  our  Revolution,  and  it  was  owing  to  the  educa- 
tion of  her  sons.  The  Pinckneys,  Rutledges,  Pringles, 
Heywards,  Middlctons.  and  others,  were  well  educated, 
and  most  of  them  educated  in  England.  They  returned 
home  and  gave  tone  and  character  to  the  public  senti- 
ment of  the  State.  In  the  Upper  Country  there  were 
very  worthy  and  excellent  men  at  the  head  of  affairs- 
such  men  as  General  Pickens,  General  Butler,  General 
Anderson,  and  others,  who,  though  not  educated,  were 
wise,  patriotic  men.  These  men  gave  South  Carolina  a 
high  character,  which  succeeding  sons  have  endeavored 
to  sustain  and  keep  up.  He  mentioned  a  singular  anec- 
dote in  reference  to  Governor  Rutledgc's  proclamation, 
which  was  told  him  by  Senator  John  C.  Calhoun,  who 
was  in  the  Governor's  camp  at  the  time.  His  Excellency 
was  desirous  of  rallying  the  State,  and  wished  to  issue 
a  proclamation  for  that  purpose.  But  there  was  no 
type  outside  of  Charleston,  and  Charleston  was  in  the 
possession  of  the  British.  In  the  Governor's  very  small 
army  there  was  an  ingenious  gunsmith,  whose  name 
was  McElroy.  He  told  McElroy  he  wanted  him  to  make 
some  type  to  print  his  proclamation.     McElroy  replied 


William  Henry  DeSaussure.  61 

that  he  had  neverseen  any  type  in  his  life.  ButGovernor 
Rutledge  described  the  type,  and  gave  him  some  instruc- 
tions. Therefore  the  gunsmith  got  a  number  of  pewter 
plates,  basins  and  spoons  and  went  to  work.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  making  the  type,  and  the  proclamation  was 
printed  and  disseminated  over  the  State.  The  State 
did  rally,  and,  perhaps,  these  pewter  type  saved  South 
Carolina." 

"September  27th,  1837.— Chancellor  DeSaussure  told 
me  yesterday  that  previous  to  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, all  the  offices  in  South  Carolina  were  bestowed  by 
the  Crown  on  favorites  in  England,  instead  of  being 
given  to  meritorious,  distinguished  Carolinians.  Chief 
Justice  Skinner  was  a  copying  clerk  in  Counsellor  Dagg's 
office  in  London.  He  came  into  the  Counsellor's  office 
one  day,  and  told  him  to  congratulate  him ;  that  His 
Majesty  had  just  appointed  him  Chief  Justice  of  South 
Carolina.  'Well,  Skinner.'  said  the  Counsellor,  'I  con- 
gratulate you,  but  not  the  country  over  which  you  are 
o  preside.'  Skinner  then  begged  Dagg  to  tell  him 
what  books  to  read  in  order  to  prepare  himself  for  dis- 
charging his  official  duties.  Dagg  replied:  'Don't  en- 
tangle yourself  with  law !  It  is  too  late  in  life  for  you 
to  commence  studying  law  !  Decide  every  case  accord- 
ing to  your  notions  of  justice !'  This  anecdote  was  told 
the  father  of  Colonel  Drayton  by  Dagghimseif.  Skinner 
was  the  laughing-stock  of  the  bar  in  Charleston.  The 
only  instance  of  native  Carolinians  being  appointed 
Chief  Justices  were  those  of  the  grandfather  of  General 
Pinckney  and  William  Henry  Drayton.  Chancellor  De- 
Saussure drew  the  act  dividing  the  State  into  circuits. 
Till  1769,  no  court  was  ever  held  out  of  Charleston  in 
South  Carolina.  There  was  some  difficulty  in  regard  to 
the  sheriff's  office  on  extending  the  courts.  The  Duke  of 
Cumberland  was  Grand  Provost  of  the  Colony,  and  ex- 
ercised the  office  by  deputy.  The  office  was  hereditary. 
The  Duke  was  paid  five  thousand  pounds  to  relinquish 


62'  William  Henry  DeSaussure. 

the  office!  Chancellor  DeSaussure  spoke  of  Burke  and 
Pendleton  as  judgesin  South  Carolina.  The  former  was 
an  Irishman,  residing  in  one  of  the  West  India  Islands 
at  the  commencement  of  the  American  Revolution.  He 
came  to  South  Carolina  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fighting 
her  battles,  and  was  a,  most  gallant  officer.  After  the 
Revolution  commenced,  he  was  rewarded  with  a  judge- 
ship. Judge  Burke  was  a  man  of  talents  and  great 
humor,  but  not  much  learning.  Pendleton  was  a  Vir- 
ginian by  birth,  and  brother  of  the  Chancellor  of  Vir- 
ginia. 'He  was  not  a  good  judge,' said  Chancellor  De- 
Saussure. Lawyers  in  those  days,  learned  in  their  pro- 
fession, were  scarce.  The  Pinckneysand  Rutledgesga  ve 
themselves  up  to  politics  and  military  life.  There  were 
not  many  eminent  lawyers  in  Charleston  in  those  days 
who  devoted  themselves  exclusively  to  their  profession. 
"Chancellor  DeSaussure  told  me  that  Colonel  William 
Drayton's  father  was  a  judge  in  Florida  under  the 
British  Government  during  the  American  Revolution, 
and  returned  to  South  Carolina  after  Florida  was 
ceded  back  to  Spain.  He  was  a  man  of  high  character, 
and  much  esteemed  by  the  leading  men  of  the  State,  al- 
though he  did  not  return  to  his  native  State  when  the 
Revolution  broke  out.  Judge  Bay  and  Robert  J.  Turn- 
bull  were  also  citizens  of  Florida  during  the  American 
War,  and  came  to  South  Carolina  after  the  war  was 
pretty  well  over." 


GEORGE  W.  DARGAN. 

GIHANCELLOR  DARGAN  was  born  in  the  eastern 
part  of  the  State;  graduated  in  the  South  Caro- 
lina College,  and  for  many  years  represented  his  native 
District  in  the  State  Senate.  He  was  a  most  devoted 
States'  Rights  man,  nullifier,  secessionist  and  dis- 
unionist.  His  boast  for  many  years  was,  that  he  had 
never  been  beyond  the  limits  of  South  Carolina,  and 
hoped  never  to  be  under  the  necessity  of  going  out  of 
the  State.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  life  I  inquired  of  him 
if  he  had  adhered  to  his  purpose  of  never  going  beyond 
the  limits  of  the  State?  He  said  he  had  once  been  out 
of  the  State,  but  he  kept  it  a  secret  as  well  as  he  could, 
and  said  nothing  about  it!  He  regarded  South  Caro- 
lina as  his  country,  his  whole  country,  and  all  beyond 
her  limits  as  aliens  and  foreigners!  He  was  devoted  to 
the  State,  and  to  the  State  alone,  her  honor  and  her 
glory.  He  once  said,  to  me:  "You  old  fogies  may  be 
Union  men,  and  glorify  the  Union,  because  you  have 
been  educated  and  brought  up  in  that  school,  but  the 
rising  generation  will  scorn  that  Union  and  sever  it  into 
fragments.     Mark  what  I  tell  you." 

When  I  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  I  saw  for  the  first 
time  Chancellor  Dargan.  He  was  then  a  young  lawyer 
of  promise  and  talents;  rapidly  rising  in  his  profession, 
and  his  friends  had  great  expectations  of  his  future  suc- 
cess and  eminence.  But  I  had  no  particular  acquain- 
tance or  intimacy  with  him  till  we  met  as  Senators  in 
the  State  Legislature.  In  that  body  we  served  together 
several  years— always  opposed  to  each  other,  and  became 
warm  friends.  When  he  was  elected  Chancellor  and 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  he  came  to  where  I  was 
sitting  to  bid  me  farewell,  and  said:  UI  was  thinking- 
last  night,  that  it  was  something  remarkable  that  we 


4  George  W.  Dargan. 

had  been  so  long  associated  together  in  this  body, 
entertaining  a  high  respect  for  each  other,  and  both 
conscientious  men  as  we  thought  ourselves,  and  yet  we 
had  never  voted  together  on  any  great  or  important 
question  which  divided  the  Senate."  I  said  to  him  play- 
fully:  There  is  an  old  adage,  that  "great  minds  will 
thinkalike,"  but  there  are  exceptions  to  this  rule. 

Chancellor  Dargan  was  as  pure  a  man  as  ever  lived. 
He  was  as  simple  as  a  child  in  his  manners  and  deport- 
ment. He  was  unpretending  and  unambitious.  In  his 
personal  appearance  he  was  very  plain  and  extremely 
homely— though  I  think  he  was  a  handsomer  man  than 
Chief  Justice  Taney.  In  fact  he  was  not  unlike  Chief 
Justice  Taney  in  his  face  and  person.  And  I  might  say 
there  was  a  similarity  in  their  talents,  acquirements  and 
minds.  Chancellor  Dargan  was  a  profound  lawyer  and 
a  well-read  gentleman  in  every  branch  of  learning.  He 
was  tall  and  slender,  with  a  long  face,  sallow  com- 
plexion, thick  lips  and  dull,  sleepy  eyes.  In  conversation 
he  was  pleasant  and  entertaining. 

The  Chancellor  became  a  firm  believer  in  spirit  rap- 
pings,  mesmerism,  pyschology,  clairvoyance,  etc.,  etc., 
and  was  a  very  efficient  and  powerful  agent  in  these 
occult  sciences.  I  have  seen  him  put  a  servant  at  the 
hotel  in  Columbia  to  sleep  with  a  waiter  of  dishes  in  his 
hands  by  simply  looking  at  him.  He  told  me  he  had  at 
home  a  very  simple  negro  boy  who  was  a  great  medium. 
He  called  him  up  one  day  and  put  him  into  a  mesmeric 
state.  The  Chancellor  pictured  in  his  own  mind  the  as- 
sassination of  Marat  by  Charlotte  Corda\  whilst  he  was 
in  his  bath.  He  asked  the  negro  boy  what  he  saw?  The 
boy  replied,  he  saw  a  man  lying  in  the  water  stabbed, 
and  a  beautiful  woman  standing  over  him.  He  said  her 
name  was  Charlotte  Corday.  This  boy  had  never 
before,  the  Chancellor  was  well  assured,  heard  of  Marat 
or  Charlotte  Corday.  On  another  occasion  he  called  up 
the  spirit  of  an  old  negro  fellow  who  had  been  found 


George  W.  Dakgax.  65 

dead  in  a  ditch.  It  was  uncertain  whether  he  had  met 
Iris  death  by  accident  or  violence.  The  Chancellor  in- 
quired if  he  was  murdered,  and  his  spirit  replied,  through 
the  boy  above  mentioned,  that  he  was.  The  Chancellor 
inquired  who  murdered  him?  His  spirit  replied  that  it 
was  all  over  now;  he  was  happy,  and  did  not  wish  to 
tell  the  name  of  the  person  who  killed  him  !  He  pictured 
in  his  mind  a  faithful  old  negro  woman  who  had  died 
not  long  previously,  and  asked  the  medium  if  he  saw 
any  one?  The  boy  instantly  replied,  he  saw  this  old 
woman,  calling  her  by  name!  The  Chancellor  imagined 
her  most  fantastically  dressed,  and  inquired  of  the  boy 
what  sort  of  dress  she  had  on?  He  answered  :  "a  most 
beautiful  dress,  covered  all  over  with  shining  stars!'' 
It  would  be  almost  endless  if  I  were  to  mention  the 
many  stories  of  this  kind  told  by  the  Chancellor.  No 
one  who  knew  Chancellor  Dargan  would  for  a  moment 
suppose  he  was  capable  of  telling  a  falsehood.  I  never 
knew  a  more  truthful  or  honorable  gentleman. 

In  speaking  of  the  necessity  of  employing  a  lawyer  to 
drawr  up  all  legal  papers,  wills,  deeds,  &c,  the  Chancel- 
lor told  me  the  following  incident,  which  happened  in 
his  practice  at  the  bar:  There  was  an  old  planter  pos- 
sessed of  a  large  fortune,  who  came  to  him  to  draw  his 
will,  and  asked  him  how  much  he  would  charge  him. 
The  Chancellor  told  him  fifty  dollars.  The  planter  said 
it  was  exorbitant,  and  he  knew  a  man  who  would  draw 
it  for  five  dollars.  The  Chancellor  said  very  well,  he  had 
better  get  his  man  to  draw  it,  if  his  sole  purpose  was 
cheapness.  The  will  was  accordingly  drawn  for  five 
dollars.  The  old  man  died,  and  his  executors  had  to 
file  a  bill  in  the  Court  of  Equity  to  construe  the  will. 
Chancellor  Dargan  was  employed  in  the  case,  and  his 
fees  amounted  to  fifteen  hundred  dollars  before  the  suit 
ended !  This  was  independent  of  the  costs  of  the  suit 
and  the  counsel  fees  of  the  opposing  lawyers. 

It  was  formerlv  the  habit  of  our  Chancellors  to  hear 


(56  Geokge  W.  Dakgan. 

a  case,  take  notes  of  the  evidence  and  argument,  bundle 
up  the  papers  and  carry  them  off  to  write  out  their  de- 
crees at  home  when  they  had  perhaps  forgotten  all 
about  the  case.  Chancellor  Dargan  introduced  a  new 
practice  in  this  respect.  He  delivered  his  decrees  imme- 
diately after  the  argument  closed,  or  the  next  morning 
at  farthest.  He  seldom  took  off  a  case.  His  opinion 
was,  that  he  understood  the  case  better,  after  it  was 
closed  on  the  circuit,  than  he  could  do  two  or  three 
months  afterwards.  His  decrees  were  delivered  orally, 
and  he  required  the  successful  counsel  to  reduce  its  sub- 
stance to  writing. 

I  have  mentioned  that  Chancellor  Dargan  and  myself 
never  thought  alike  in  the  Senate  on  political  ques- 
tions. Whilst  practicing  before  him  on  the  bench  for 
many  years,  I  never  had  a  Judge  to  concur  with  me  so 
generally  and  uniformly  on  all  questions  of  law.  On 
principles  of  law  we  seldom  differed,  and  in  politics 
seldom  agreed. 

When  he  was  first  a  candidate  for  the  State  Senate, 
the  Chancellor  told  me  he  was  opposed  by  Mr.  Gregg,  a 
brother  of  Colonel  James  Greg£,  of  Columbia,  fie  said 
his  opponent  was  a  most  eccentric  man,  and  as  a  speci- 
men of  his  eccentricity,  he  mentioned  this  fact.  Mr. 
Gregg  utterly  repudiated  the  doctrine  of  faith  in  salva- 
tion, and  contended  that  a  man  could  be  saved  by 
works  alone.  He  and  some  of  his  Christian  neighbors 
had  many  exciting  arguments  on  this  subject.  The  old 
gentleman,  when  planting  his  corn,  thought  he  would 
give  them  a  practical  proof  of  the  folly  and  absurdity 
of  their  doctrine.  On  one  side  of  the  road  leading  by 
his  house,  he  planted  a  field  of  corn  and  stuck  up  a 
board  on  that  side  of  the  road  with  the  word  "  faith" 
painted  on  it  in  very  large  capital  letters!  On  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  road,  he  planted  another  field  of  corn 
and  stuck  up  a  board  on  which  was  painted  the  word 
"work"    in    equally  large    letters.    The  field    labeled 


George  W.  Dargan.  67 

"work  "was  well  cultivated,  plowed  and  hoed  always 
in  proper  season.  But  the  field  labeled  "faith,"  he 
neither  plowed  or  hoed,  or  did  any  manner  of  work  in 
it.  In  the  summer  it  presented  a  most  miserable  and 
ludicrous  appearance,  and  no  crop,  of  course,  was  saved 
from  it.  But  the  other  field  looked  remarkably  well ; 
the  corn  grew  finely,  and  in  the  fall  of  the  year  yielded 
an  abundant  crop.  The  old  gentleman,  looking  at  the 
appearance  of  the  two  fields,  exultingly  said:  "If  this 
does  not  convince  the  fools,  nothing  will." 


THOMAS  N.  DAWKINS. 


f|UDGE  DAWKINS  died  a  few  years  since,  suddenly, 
in  the  prime  of  his  life,  and  amidst  his  usefulness 
and  well-merited  popularity.  His  death  was  a  great 
shock  to  his  friends  all  over  the  State.  All  who  knew 
him  well,  loved  and  admired  him  for  his  high  character, 
social  virtues,  talents  and  amiability.  He  had  the  con- 
fidence of  all,  and  the  enmity  of  no  one.  In  times  of 
highest  political  excitement,  he  was  elected  to  office, 
and  had  honors  conferred  on  him  by  his  political  op- 
ponents. They  appreciated  his  talents,  had  confidence 
in  his  integrity  and  admired  his  gentle,  unassuming  de- 
portment. He  maintained  his  own  principles  firmly, 
and  permitted  others  to  do  the  same  without  censure  or 
denunciation  from  him.  Hence,  he  had  no  political  or 
personal  enemies.  He  was  recognized  by  all  to  whom 
he  was  known  as  a  pure  and  noble-hearted  gentleman. 
In  his  own— his  native  District— he  was  especially  en- 
deared to  the  people  by  a  life-time's  intercourse  with 
them,  socially  and  professionally-  He  was,  indeed,  a 
most  amiable  gentleman— courtly  in  his  manners,  and 
cordial  in  his  friendship.  He  was  dignified  in  appear- 
ance and  deportment,  and  at  the  same  time  as  affable 
to  the  humblest  citizen  who  approached  him  as  if  they 
were  equals  in  rank  and  station. 

Judge  Dawkins  was  born  in  Union  District.  General 
Dawkins,  his  father,  was  a  man  of  fortune,  great  per- 
sonal popularity,  and  extensive  influence  in  his  section 
of  the  State.  He  was  a  successful  planter  and  merchant, 
Major-Gen  era  1,  and  member  of  the  Legislature.  He 
left,  as  an  inheritance  to  his  son,  a  name  without  blem- 
ish, and  those  sterling  qualities  of  heart  and  head 
which  characterized  him  through  life.    Judge  Dawkins 


Thomas  N.  Dawkins.  (>9 

graduated  in  the  South  Carolina  College  with  distinc- 
tion ;  read  law  at  Union  Court  House,  and,  after  his  ad- 
mission to  the  bar,  formed  a  partnership  with  Andrew 
Wallace  Thomson,  Esq.  They  had  a  very  extensive 
and  lucrative  practice,  but  soon  discovered  that  it  was 
to  the  interest  of  both  they  should  dissolve  their  part- 
nership, and  practice  separately. 

The  storm  of  nullification  came  on  shortly  after  Judge 
Dawkins' admission  to  the  bar,  and  although  the  State, 
and  his  own  District,  by  an  overwhelming  majority, 
espoused,  almost  madly,  this  new  doctrine  of  States' 
Rights,  he  never  swerved  from  the  faith  that  was  in  him 
as  a  Union  man,  or  ceased  to  oppose,  in  every  proper- 
way,  the  inculcation  of  such  political  heresies.  He  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  while  he  differed 
in  toto  cwlo  with  his  constituents  on  this  subject. 

Whilst  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  he  was  elected 
Solicitor  of  the  Middle  Circuit  by  those  who  were  op- 
posed to  him  in  politics.  He  was  re-elected  solicitor 
several  times,  and  finally  resigned  the  office,  or  declined 
a  re-election.  It  was  admitted  by  all  that  he  made  a 
most  admirable  prosecuting  officer.  He  discharged  the 
duties  with  ability,  fidelity  and  impartiality. 

For  many  years  he  was  an  active  member  of  the 
Board  of  Trustees  of  his  Alma  Mater. 

During  the  war,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  his  native 
State,  though  a  Union  man.  When  South  Carolina  se- 
ceded, he  admitted  the  sacred  right,  solemnly  pro- 
claimed in  our  Declaration  of  Independence:  kl  The  right 
of  self-g  o  vernment. ' ' 

After  the  close  of  the  war,  Judge  Dawkins  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  State  Convention,  under  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  President,  for  re-organizing  the  State  Gov- 
ernment. He  was  an  active  member  of  that  body,  and 
participated  largely  in  its  discussions. 

Whilst  Provisional-Governor  of  South  Carolina,  I  was 
requested  by  President  Johnson  to  nominate  a  suitable 


70  Thomas  N.  Dawkins. 

person  for  District  Judge  of  this  State.  I  tendered  the 
appointment  to  Judge  Dawkins.  He  hesitated,  and 
said  he  would  decide  when  he  returned  home.  Shortly 
afterwards  he  wrote  me,  declining  the  office  as  it  would 
necessarily  compel  him  to  reside  permanently  in  Charles- 
ton. I  then  nominated  Judge  Bryan,  who  accepted  the 
nomination  and  received  the  appointment. 

The  people  of  Union  District,  in  1866, elected  him  again 
to  the  Legislature,  and  he  was  appointed  chairman  of 
the  Judiciary  Committee.  This  was  a  most  important 
position  at  that  time,  when  our  laws  were  undergoing 
the  most  important  changes.  With  great  assiduity, 
ability  and  learning,  he  discharged  the  duties  of  his 
position.  Soon  after  this  there  were  two  vacancies  on 
the  law  bench,  and  Dawkins  was  elected  to  fill  one  of 
them.  I  rode  the  circuit  with  him  whilst" on  the  bench, 
and  was  very  much  pleased  with  him  as  a  judge.  He 
was  prompt  in  dispatching  and  deciding  all  matters  be- 
fore him,  and  at  the  same  time  he  was  pleasant  and 
courteous.  Had  he  remained  on  the  bench  any  length 
of  time,  he  would  have  acquired  a  reputation  as  a  judge. 

But  Congress  required  South  Carolina  to  be  recon- 
structed over  again,  a  nd  a,  new  Constitution  was  adopted 
by  the  carpet-baggers,  negroes  and  scalawags,  which 
vacated  all  offices  in  the  State.  Judge  Dawkins  had  to 
give  place  to  those  who  had  succeeded  in  gaining  the 
confidence  of  the  Radical  party.  He  returned  to  the 
Bar  and  resumed  his  practice  a  short  time  before  his 
death . 

Whilst  Judge  Dawkins  was  on  the  Western  Circuit,  I 
insisted  that  heshould  stay  with  me  whilst  holdingcourt 
at  Greenville.  I  had  spent  a  week  at  his  house  whilst  I 
was  attending  Union  Court  the  summer  preceding.  He 
said,  ik No,"  most  emphatically,  and  assigned  as  a  rea- 
son, that  a  judge  should  not  only  be  honest  and  im- 
partial, but  that  he  should  never  subject  himself  to  a 
position  in  which  a  base  mind  might  suspect  his  fairness 


Thomas  N.  Dawkins.  71 

and  impartiality.    He  said  if  a  judge  was  staying  with 

a  practicing'  lawyer,  and  decided  a  case  in  his  favor,  the 
opposite  party — unless  pure  and  honorable  themselves — 
would  think  he  had  been  influenced  in  his  decision  by 
something  said  in  private.  The  same  sentiment  had 
been  expressed  by  Judge  David  Johnson,  and  acted  on 
through  life. 

Judge  Dawkins  was  twice  married,  but  left  no  children 
by  either  ma  rriage.  His  first  wife  was  the  belle  of  Green . 
ville  for  several  years,  and  greatly  admired  by  all  who 
knew  her  for  her  beauty,  amiability  and  pleasant  man- 
ners. His  second  wife  was  a  young  English  lady,  hand- 
some, intellectual,  accomplished  and  learned;  cordial  in 
her  manners,  and  devoted  in  her  friendship.  Judge 
Dawkins  met  me  once  at  Spartanburg,  and  said  Mrs. 
Dawkins  had  understood  that  I  was  to  be  at  Union 
Court,  and  insisted  that  I  should  stay  with  them,  and 
consider  myself  her  guest.  I  did  so,  and  was  charmed 
with  her's  and  the  Judge's  elegant  hospitality.  The 
Judge  attracted  my  attention  to  his  beautiful  lawn  in 
front  of  his  house,  and  the  surrounding  shrubbery,  with 
tasteful  walks,  etc.  He  said  it  was  originally  an  old 
field,  and  one  spring,  whilst  he  was  on  the  circuit,  Mrs. 
Dawkins  had  it  laid  out  and  planted  in  his  absence. 

Judge  Dawkins,  with  Judge  Ward  law  and  Mr.  Alfred 
Huger,  were  appointed  by  the  Convention  in  1865  to 
visit  President  Johnson  and  ask  for  the  release  of 
Jefferson  Davis.  They  went  to  Washington  and  had  a 
personal  interview  with  the  President.  Tn  his  younger 
days,  Judge  Dawkins  was  appointed  aide  to  one  of  our 
Governors,  with  the  rank  of  Colonel— a  title  by  which  he 
was  usually  known  till  his  election  to  the  bench. 

Judge  Dawkins  was  a  fine  looking  gentleman,  and 
bore  the  stamp  of  one  of  nature's  noblemen. 

And  there  were  very  few  of  my  friends,  for  whom  I  had 
so  strong  an  attachment  whilst  living,  whose  death  I  so 
deeply  mourned,  and  for  whose  memory  I  have  such  an 
affectionate  reverance. 


\p 


WILLIAM  K.  EASLEY. 

HE  sudden  and  most  unexpected  death  of  General 
Easley,  a  few  days  since,  was  a  great  shock  to  the 
community  of  Greenville,  in  whose  midst  he  had  lived 
many  years,  and  by  whom  he  was  greatly  respected  and 
admired  for  his  many  high  and  noble  traits  of  charac- 
ter. He  was  a  gentleman  of  feeble  constitution  by 
nature,  and  for  sometime  had  been  in  delicate  health. 
But  when  he  left  home  for  Atlanta,  Georgia,  where  he 
died,  his  family  and  friends  regarded  him  in  ordinary 
health.  He  went  to  Atlanta  on  business  connected  with 
the  Air  Line  Railroad,  an  enterprise  in  which  he  had 
taken  a  deep  interest,  and  one  which  he  was  mainly  in- 
strumental in  carrying  through  to  a  successful  result. 
For  the  last  two  or  three  years  he  had  devoted  all  the 
energies  of  his  nature  to  the  accomplishment  of  this 
great  work.  It  was  through  his  influence,  in  a  great 
measure,  that  this  road  was  located  to  pass  through 
the  city  of  Greenville.  He  prevailed  on  the  County  of 
Greenville  and  the  city  authorities  to  make  appropria- 
tions which  secured  the  location  of  the  road. 

The  first  news  of  General  Easley's  illness,  three  or  four 
clays  after  leaving  home,  was  a  telegram  stating  that 
he  was  not  expected  to  live !  In  the  course  of  a  few  hours 
another  telegram  announced  his  death,  and  that  his  re- 
mains would  be  sent  by  the  8  o'clock  train  that  evening. 
The  community  was  startled  by  this  appalling  news. 
His  friends  immediately  appointed  a.  committee  to  go 
down  on  the  morning  train  and  meet  his  remains  in 
Columbia.  They  reached  Greenville,  on  their  return,  by 
an  express  train  the  next  morning  before  daylight.  His 
remains  were  carried  to  his  residence,  and  the  next  day, 
at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning,  escorted  by  the  Masons  to 
the  Baptist  church,  where  the  funeral  services  were  per- 


William  K.  Easley.  73 

formed  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Buist,  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church,  assisted  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Furman,  pastor  of  the 
Baptist  church.  Dr.  Buist  spoke  of  the  talents,  ability 
and  virtues  of  the  deceased,  but  said  he  came  not  to 
praise  the  dead  ;  that  mournful  duty  he  left  for  the  Bar 
to  perform,  of  which  the  deceased  was  so  bright  and 
shining'  a  light;  for  the  Masons  to  perform,  and  for  the 
community  :uid  the  press  of  the  country.  The  funeral 
services  were  then  completed  by  the  Masonic  Fraternity, 
at  the  country  residence  of  the  deceased,  where  he  was 
interred  by  the  side  of  his  wife's  grave. 

The  sadness  of  General  Easley's  death  was  made 
more  sad  by  the  reflection  that  only  a  few  short  months 
since,  his  beloved  wife  and  the  companion  of  his  sor- 
rows and  joys  for  twenty  years  past,  and  the  model  of  a 
domestic  lady,  was  taken  from  him  by  death,  leaving 
eight  motherless  young  children  to  his  care  and  protec- 
tion. They  are  now  bereft  of  father  as  well  as  mother! 
This  is  a  most  terrible  affliction,  and  well  calculated  to 
increase  the  sorrow  of  his  friends  and  the  community. 
There  were  few  persons  living  in  this  community  who 
had  so  many  warm  and  devoted  friends  as  General  Eas- 
ley. He  seemed  to  have  some  mesmeric  influence  over 
those  who  came  in  social  contact  with  him.  They  all 
admired  him,  and  loved  him  for  his  purity  of  character, 
his  sincerity  in  friendship,  and  the  warmth  and  generous 
feelings  of  his  heart. 

General  Easley  was  born  in  Pickens  County,  not  far 
from  Greenville  Court  House.  His  father,  Colonel  John 
Easley,  was  one  of  the  early  settlers  of  Pickens,  and 
came  to  this  part  of  the  State  quite  a  youth,  with  his 
father.  The  General  was  well  educated  and  a  fine  classi- 
cal scholar,  though  not  a  graduate  of  any  college.  In 
his  boyhood  he  manifested  a  great  love  of  polite  litera- 
ture. He  read  poetry  and  novels  with  absorbing,  pas- 
sionate interest.  But  his  reading  was  by  no  means 
confined  to  this  class  of  literature.    He  was  a  laborious 


74  William  K.  Easley. 

student  of  history  and  science,  as  well  as  poetry  and  gene- 
ral literature.  Nor  did  he  neglect  the  hard  and  dry  studies 
of  his  profession,  as  may  be  well  supposed  from  his  suc- 
cess at  the  Bar.  He  would  set  up  the  greater  part  of 
the  night  in  reading  and  studying,  and  no  doubt  in 
early  life  injured  his  constitution  in  this  way.  This 
habit  was  so  firmly  riveted  on  him  that  he  could  not 
throw  it  off  in  more  mature  years.  He  was  a  great 
student  throughout  his  life,  arid  yet  he  spent  a  large 
portion  of  his  time,  during  the  day,  when  not  engaged 
in  his  professional  duties,  in  conversation  with  his 
friends  and  associates.  He  was  essentially  a  social  gen- 
tleman, and  yet  there  was  a  tinge  of  melancholy  about 
him,  which  cast  a  gloom  over  his  whole  life. 

Shortly  after  his  admission  to  the  Bar,  General  Easley 
went  to  New  Orleans  for  the  purpose  of  practicing  his 
profession,  rightly  believing  that  it  was  better  for  a 
young  lawyer,  who  had  talents  and  ambition,  to  settle 
where  there  is  business,  no  matter  how  crowded  the  Bar 
was.  But  the  yellow  fever  broke  out  in  the  city  and 
forced  him  to  leave.  He  returned  to  his  father's  and 
temporarily  established  himself  at  Pickens  Court  House. 
He  remained  there  some  time,  and  found  the  law  at  so 
low  an  ebb  that  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  move  to  Green- 
ville. But  during  his  short  residence  in  that  mountain 
village,  he  made  warm  friends  of  all  the  prominent  men 
in  the  District,  and  was  some  years  afterwards  elected  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  from  Pickens,  although  his 
law  office  was  at  Greenville.  Whilst  in  the  Legislature 
he  originated  some  important  measures,  and  amongst 
them  a  Bill,  which  I  drew  for  him,  making  the  parties  in 
a  suit  or  criminal  prosecution  competent  witnesses  in 
the  case.  We  both  thought  it  absurd  that  those  who 
knew  all  about  the  matter  in  controversy  should  be  ex- 
cluded from  giving  testimony  as  to  the  facts  in  dispute. 
This  Bill  was  remodelled  in  committee  and  became  the 
law  of  the  land.    The  present  Code  of  South  Carolina 


William  K.  Easley.  75 

embodies  the  same  principle,  and  was  taken  from  the 
New  York  Code.  The  wisdom  of  this  alteration  has  now- 
been  acknowledged  by  the  Bar  and  Courts  of  the  State. 

General  Easley  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State 
Convention  from  Greenville  in  I860.  This  Convention 
was  called  for  the  purpose  of  seceding  from  the  Union. 
The  General  was  a  fierce  secessionist,  and  had  been  a 
Democrat  all  his  life.  When  the  civil  war  commenced  he 
•  raised  a  company  of  cavalry  in  Pickens  and  Greenville 
Districts,  and  was  received  into  the  Confederate  army 
in  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  But  his  health  became 
so  bad  that  he  was  forced  most  reluctantly  to  resign  his 
command  and  return  home.  Before  his  resignation, 
however,  he  had  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major  in 
the  army.  He  was  again  elected  a  member  of  the  Leg- 
islature from  Pickens  in  1865,  and  took  an  active  part 
in  all  the  debates  whilst  he  continued  in  that  body.  He 
was  selected  by  me,  whilst  I  was  Provisional  Governor, 
to  represent  the  Executive,  and  defend  his  measures  in 
the  Legislature.  This  he  did  with  zeal  and  ability  on 
all  occasions.  The  unanimity  with  which  Governor 
Manning  and  myself  were  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  in  1865,  was  owing  in  some  measure  to  his  ex- 
ertions in  our  behalf.  During  the  canvass  it  was  pro-  * 
posed  to  him  by  the  friends  of  one  of  the  candidates  for 
the  United  States  Senate,  that  twenty  votes  would  be 
cast  for  me  if  an  equal  number  of  my  friends  would  vote 
for  thi?  other  candidate,  Colonel  James  B.  Campbell, 
He  promptly  replied  that  he  could  not  dare  to  make 
such  a  proposition  to  me,  if  he  was  unscrupulous 
enough  himself  to  think  of  it. 

After  the  expiration  of  his  term  in  the  Legislature, 
the  State  went  into  the  hands  of  the  present  corrupt 
and  infamous  Radical  party,  under  their  new  constitu- 
tion. The  General  then  confined  himself  to  his  profes- 
sion, and  acquired  a  very  large  practice  in  the  courts  of 
Greenville,  Pickens  and  Anderson  Districts.  In  the  ar- 
gument of  his  cases  he  always  evinced  great  ability  and 


76  William  K.  Easley 

learning.  As  an  advocate  before  the  jury,  he  had  no 
superior  on  the  circuit.  He  always  spoke  well,  and  of- 
ten was  truly  eloquent  in  his  addresses  to  the  Court  and 
jury.  He  had  great  fluency  of  language,  and  great- 
taste  and  beauty  of  expression  on  all  occasions.  Some 
of  the  most  touching  and  beautiful  bursts  of  passion 
and  sentiment  that  I  ever  heard  were  made  by  General 
Easley. 

In  his  character  and  political  principles,  he  was  up- 
right and  pure,  but  often  eccentric.  He  had  no  grea/t 
faith  in  Republican  principles,  or  the  permanency  of  the 
Republic.  The  little  faith  he  had  in  those  matters  was 
very  much  weakened  by  the  present  condition  of  South 
Carolina.  He  would  willingly  have  exchanged,  at  any 
moment,  the  present  corrupt  and  despotic  government 
of  South  Carolina  for  a  monarchy !  He  thought  a  King 
would  rule  over  us  more  wisely,  more  justly  and  more 
patriotically  than  the  ignorance  and  corruption  of  the 
present  masses  could.  He  had  theoretically  very  little 
confidence  in,  or  love  for  the  great  mass  of  mankind! 
And  yet,  in  practical  life,  he  was  a  most  kind  and  be- 
nevolent man,  and  would  relieve  a  fellow-creature,  in 
distress,  as  quick  as  any  one  I  ever  saw.  He  was  also  a 
most  warm  and  sincere  friend,  and  had  the  faculty,  as  I 
have  already  said,  of  attracting  friends  to  him  in  an 
eminent  degree.  His  health  was  bad  all  his  life,  and 
this,  I  am  sure,  tinged  his  nature  with  that  misanthro- 
pic melancholy  which  he  often  exhibited  through  life. 

I  knew  General  Easley  well,  and  understood  his  char- 
acter better  than  most  persons.  For  many  years  we 
were  on  terms  of  great  intimacy,  and  I  never  can  forget 
the  many,  very  many,  pleasant  hours  we  have  spent 
together.    They  have  endeared  his  memorv  to  me. 


■■rn^iin'-- 


SAMUEL  EARLE. 


T    MENTIONED  this  \ 
1*  'k  Reminiscences  of  Gi 


gentleman  very  briefly  in  my 
reenville,  "  and  I  now  propose  to 
give  a  more  extended  notice  of  him  as  a  public  man. 
He  was  an  elderly  gentleman  and  I  was  a  boy  when  our 
acquaintance  commenced.  I  saw  him  frequently  at  my 
father's,  and  often  at  my  uncle's,  Robert  Foster,  between 
whom  there  was  a  very  great  intimacy  and  friendship 
for  more  than  httlf  a  century.  I  was  also  a,  frequent  vis- 
itor at  his  house  for  many  years,  in  the  latter  part  of 
his  life.  I  had  for  him  a  very  high  regard  and  great 
respect,  and  I  believe  he  entertained  the  kindest  feelings 
towards  myself.  I  read  law  three  years  in  the  office  of 
his  son,  Judge  Earle,  which  further  increased  our  inter- 
course and  intimacy. 

I  believe  Mr.  Samuel  Earle  was  born  in  Virginia.  His 
parents  moved  to  Spartanburg  District  in  the  early  set- 
tlement of  the  Upper  Country.  His  education  was  such 
as  one  could  receive  in  those  times  at  the  common 
schools  of  the  country.  I  know  that  he  regretted,  in 
after  life,  his  defective  education,  and  determined  to  give 
his  sons  all  those  advantages  which  were  denied  him  in 
his  youth.  In  the  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary 
war,  in  the  Southern  States,  Mr.  Earle  espoused  with 
great  spirit  the  cause  of  his  country,  and  received  the 
commission  of  Captain  in  the  regular  army.  He  was 
appointed  to  command  a  company  of  rangers,  in  the 
Upper  Country,  which  caused  him  to  traverse  over  and 
overagain  theentire  country  above  Columbia.  He  told 
me  that  at  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  personally  ac- 
quainted with  every  landowner  between  Columbia  and 
the  mountains.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Con- 
vention which  framed  the  Constitution  ;  and  he  was  also 


78  Samuel  Earle. 

a  member  of  the  State  Convention  which  adopted  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  There  was,  at  the 
time,  in  South  Carolina,  considerable  opposition  to  the 
Federal  Constitution,  but  Mr.  Earle  voted  for  its 
adoption.  He  was  afterwards  elected  a  member  of  Con- 
gress, for  the  Districts  of  Greenville,  Pendleton,  Laurens, 
Abbeville  and  Spartanburg,  as  the  successor  of  General 
Pickens,  who,  I  believe,  was  our  first  member  of  Congress 
under  the  Federal  Constitution.  After  serving  one  or 
two  terms,  the  General  declined  a  re-election,  and  Cap- 
tain Earle,  his  compter  in  arms,  was  chosen  to  succeed 
him.  Whilst  a  member  of  Congress,  Mr.  Earle  devoted 
himself  to  the  improvement  of  his  mind,  and  purchased 
a  well  selected  library  of  standard  works.  General  Wade 
Hampton,  Sr\,  was  in  Congress  with  Mr.  Earle,  whose 
niece  Mr.  Earle  had  married.  He  told  me  that  one 
morning,  as  he  entered  the  House  of  Representatives,  he 
met  General  Hampton  going  out  to  attend  the  races  in 
Philadelphia.  He  jestingly  said  to  him  :  "  I  will  goyour 
halves  to  day,  General,"  and  thought  nothing  more  of 
it.  In  the  evening  General  Hampton  handed  him  a  hun- 
dred dollars  and  said  :  "That  is  your  share  of  my  win- 
nings to-day."  Mr.  Earle  declined  to  receive  the  money, 
and  said  that  he  spoke  in  jest.  The  General  replied 
it  was  no  jest  with  him,  and  if  he  had  lost  on  the  races 
he  should  have  made  Mr.  Earle  pay  one  half.  This 
taught  Mr.  Earle  to  consider  how  he  bantered  after- 
wards with  the  General. 

After  serving  a  short  time  in  Congress,  Mr.  Earle 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  He 
was  on  his  way  to  Philadelphia,  and  was  taken  sick  in 
Virginia.  When  he  recovered,  he  returned  home,  and 
did  not  attend  that  session  of  Congress  at  all.  Tliat 
gloomy  despondency  which  hung  over  his  after  life  >is  a 
black  cloud,  had  overtaken  him,  and  he  had  no  taste  or 
love  for  politics.  Whilstin  Congress,  he  belonged  to  the 
Federal  party,  and  formed  a  very  unfavorable  opinion 


Samuel  Earle.  79 

of  Mr.  Jefferson.    I  once  heard  him  say  that  he  thought 
Jefferson  ''a  hollow  hearted  demagogue."     He  looked 

upon  Madison  as  the  subservient  tool  of  Jefferson. 

I  don't  think  that  Mr.  Earle  was  ever  a  member  of 
the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina,  although  he  served 
in  both  of  the  State  Conventions,  as  already  mentioned. 
He  was  once  a  candidate  for  the  State  Senate  in  Green- 
ville, before  he  moved  to  Pendleton,  and  was  beaten  by 
his  kinsman,  Colonel  Elias  Earle,  who  afterwards  repre- 
i  ented  the  D'striet  in  Congress  for  a  great  number  of 
;  ears.  Colonel  Elias  Earle  was  a  great  and  most  suc- 
cessful electioneerer.  He  treated  bountifully,  which 
Mr.  Samuel  Earle  refused  to  do.  There  was  but  one 
place  of  voting  then  in  the  whole  District,  and  that 
was  at  the  Court  House.  Colonel  Elias  Earle  came 
riding  into  the  village,  with  several  hundred  of  his 
voters,  on  horseback.  When  Mr.  Samuel  Earle  saw 
thisstrong  array  of  partisans,  and  heard  them  huzzaing 
for  the  Colonel,  he  cried  out,  "Huzza!  for  the  half-pint 
tickets!" 

After  his  removal  to  Pendleton  he  was  elected  Sheriff 
of  that  District  by  the  Legislature,  and  served  in  that 
office  four  years.  The  business  was  all  transacted  by 
his  deputies,  and  he  lived  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  from 
the  Court  House,  on  his  farm.  Mr.  Earle  was  a  man  of 
high  and  pure  character,  and  I  don't  think  his  honor 
and  integrity  were  ever  questioned  throughout  his  long- 
life.  By  nature  he  was  a  great  man,  but  endowed  with 
a  most  unfortunate  and  hypochondriac  disposition.  If 
there  happennpd  to  be  a  dry  spell  in  the  summer,  Mr. 
Earle  would  imagine  that  he  and  his  family  would  cer- 
tainly starve  the  next  year,  and  made  himself  perfectly 
miserable  under  the  delusion.  He  was  a  sober  man  all 
his  life,  and  seldom  tasted  spirits.  Not,  however,  he 
would  say,  because  he  did  not  like  the  taste  of  spirits. 
He  had  an  apprehension  T  suppose,  that  with  his  tem- 
perament it  would  be  dangerous  for  him  to  drink  at  all. 


80  Samuel  Earle. 

He  had  too  much  good  sense  and  philosophy  to  think 
of  drowning-  his  sorrows  or  imagined  distresses  in  liquor, 
which  fools  and  weak  minded  men  are  apt  to  do.  Mr. 
Earle  was  a  pious  member  of  the  Baptist  Church  for 
many  years,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  and  died  a  com- 
municant in  that  Church.  I  have  heard  it  said  that 
when  he  joined  the  Church,  his  "experience,"  as  it  is 
termed  by  the  Baptists,  was  a  most  impressive  one.  In 
his  younger  days,  Mr.  Earle  was  no  doubt  a  fine  looking 
and  handsome  man.  All  of  his  children  were  exceedingly 
fine  looking  and  handsome — seven  sons  and  five 
daughters.  He  was  tall  and  well  proportioned,  but  in 
the  latter  part  of  his  life,  had  an  unfortunate  habit  of 
blinking  one  eye.  He  was  very  negligent  in  his  dress, 
though  a  man  of  very  large  fortune.  He  was  appointed 
one  of  the  commissioners,  on  the  part  of  South  Carolina, 
to  settle  the  boundary  line  between  this  State  and 
Georgia.  When  the  commissioners  met,  one  from 
Georgia  said  afterwards,  that  Mr.  Earle  surprised  him 
twice— first,  by  his  humble,  rustic  dress,  and  appearance; 
and  secondly,  by  the  good  sense  and  wisdom  which  he 
displayed  in  all  of  their  discussions.  He  showed  himself  a 
man  of  talents,  ability  and  information,  which  his  ap- 
pearance did  not  indicate  to  the  polished  Georgian,  who 
could  not  well  separate  mind  and  character  from  dress 
and  appearance. 

In  conversation,  Mr.  Earle  was  very  pleasant  and 
agreeable,  except  when  his  melancholy  fits  were  on  him. 

No  one  in  the  Upper  Country  knew  so  well  as  he  did 
the  Revolutionary  history  of  the  State,  and  the  early 
settlement  of  the  back  country,  as  it  was  termed.  I  am 
indebted  to  him  for  a  great  deal  of  information  on 
those  subjects.  He  knew  al!  the  prominent  men  of  those 
times,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  sketch  their  characters 
as  they  appeared  to  him.  He  always  spoke  in  high 
terms  of  Generals  Pickens  and  Marion,  but  did  not 
entertain  so  favorable  an  opinion  of  General  Sumter. 


Samuel  Eaiile.  81 

He  spoke  well  of  General  Robert  Cunningham,  to 
whom  he  and  General  Pickens  surrendered  themselves 
after  the  capture  of  Charleston  by  the  British.  He  said, 
though  Tories,  Cunningham  and  his  two  brothers,  John 
and  Patrick,  were  gentlemen  of  honor  and  integrity. 
They  had  unfortunately  taken  the  wrong  side,  as 
many  honest  and  intelligent  men  did.  There  are  not  a 
few  in  South  Carolina  at  this  day,  seeing  how  our 
Republican  experiment  has  turned  out,  who  do  not 
think  they  took  the  right  side,  and  that  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution  was  a  great  blunder.  They  insist  that 
we  would  be  better  off,  more  happy  and  prosperous, 
higher  toned  and  more  honorable,  freer  and  better  pro- 
tected in  life  and  property  under  the  English  Govern- 
ment than  we  are  under  the  military-carpet-bag-scala- 
wag negro  rule  of  the  present  regime.  If  this  condition 
of  things  is  to  be  permanent,  no  honest  man  above  the 
grade  of  an  idiot,  would  hesitate  to  pronounce  the 
American  Revolution  a  most  horrible  blunder,  a 
most  damnable  blunder!  and  instead  of  celebrating 
the  4th  of  July  as  the  birthday  of  Republican  liberty, 
would  proclaim  it  as  the  grave  of  the  South  !  But  this 
cannot  last  always,  and  we  should  still  adhere  to  the 
notion  that  our  forefathers  were  wise,  honorable  and 
patriotic  Rebels. 

In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  Mr.  Earle  lived  almost 
secluded  from  society,  and  seldom  left  his  home,  except 
to  look  after  his  farms  in  Greenville.  He  was  kind  and 
charitable,  though  a  great  economist,  and  devoted  to 
making  money.  He  had  a  great  scorn  and  contempt 
for  all  the  pretensions  of  fashion,  and  fashionable 
society.  He  lived  well,  though  plainly,  and  was  very 
hospitable  at  his  house.  His  wife  was  a  most  excellent 
lady,  the  daughter  of  James  Harrison,  Esq.,  of  Green- 
ville, who  married  the  sister  of  General  Wade  Hampton, 
of  Revolutionary  fame.  His  seven  sons,  who  all  grew 
up  to  manhood,  are  dead,  and  only  one  of  them  ever 
married. 


82  Samuel  Earle. 

Mr.  Earle  told  me  that  be  served,  as  Deputy  Provost 
Marshal,  the  first  writ  ever  made  returnable  to 
Old  Cambridge,  at  Ninety-Six.  Whilst  the  sitting  of  the 
Courts  for  South  Carolina  was  limited  to  Charleston, 
the  Provost  Marshal  of  the  State,  a  gentleman  living  in 
England,  and  who  had  never  been  in  South  Carolina, 
exercised,  through  his  deputies,  all  the  powers  of  sheriff. 

When  the  sitting  of  the  courts  was  extended  to  Cam- 
den, Columbia  and  Cambridge,  the  Provost  Marshal 
sold  his  office  to  the  Government,  and  then  sheriffs  were 
elected  in  the  different  judicial  districts.  Before  this  sale 
was  completed,  Mr.  Earle  was  the  Deputy  Provost 
Marshal  for  the  western  part  of  the  State,  and  served 
the  first  writ  ever  issued  to  Cambridge  Court,  as 
already  stated. 


3! 


EDWARD  EVERETT. 

1  FIRST  saw  Mr.  Edward  Everett  at  his  own  house, 
whilst  President  of  Harvard  College.  Mr.  Poinsett 
had  given  me  a  letter  of  introduction  to  him.  He  was 
then  in  feeble  health.  He  was  mild  and  soft  in  his 
manners,  showing  a  refined  and  most  polished  gentle- 
man, full  of  varied  information  and  extremely  interest- 
ing in  conversation.    His  person  seemed  fragile. 

He  spoke  of  the  cultivation  of  the  grape  in  the  United 
States,  and  said  it  never  could  be  successful.  He  thought 
this  was  proved  by  the  history  of  China.  Although  the 
Chinese  were  a  very  industrious,  pains-taking  and  in- 
genious people,  greatly  devoted  to  agriculture  through 
necessity,  they  had  never  been  able  to  succeed  to  any 
extent  in  making  wine.  He  said  their  climate  was  that 
of  ours,  and  their  country  similarly  situated.  If  the 
Chinese  could  not  succeed  in  the  culture  of  the  grape, 
he  did  not  think  the  Americans  ever  could.  He  said 
that  the  flavor  of  the  grape  in  Europe  was  very  differ- 
ent from  that  of  the  same  species  in  the  United  States. 

In  speaking  of  the  rich  lands  near  the  lakes,  through 
which  I  had  just  passed,  on  my  trip  to  Niagara  Falls, 
he  told  me  that  his  father-in-law  onceowned  all  of  those 
lands,  had  purchased  them  in  the  early  history  of  New 
York,  for  a  few  cents  an  acre,  and  disposed  of  them  for 
a  very  inconsiderable  sum,  thinking  they  were  too 
remote  ever  to  be  saleable.  These  lands  were  then 
worth  fifty  and  one  hundred  dollars  per  acre.  Such  has 
been  the  progress  of  society,  and  the  development  of 
the  country,  brought  about  by  canals  and  railroads. 

Mr.  Everett  was  once  a  Unitarian  preacher,  and  I 
noticed  lying  open  on  his  centre-table,  a  large  and  mag- 
nificently bound  Bible.  For  many  years  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts, 


84  Edward  Everett. 

Minister  to  England,  United  States  Senator,  and  Presi- 
dent of  Harvard  College.  Since  this  visit  to  him  in 
1846,  he  was  the  Whig  candidate  for  Vice-President. 

In  one  of  his  speeches  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
many  years  ago,  and  before  abolition  was  so  popular 
at  the  North,  Mr.  Everett  declared  that  he  would 
shoulder  his  musket  and  march  to  the  South  to  assist 
in  suppressing  any  insurrection  of  our  slaves.  Mr. 
Richard  Yeadon,  of  Charleston,  told  me  that  he  once 
referred  to  this  speech  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Everett, 
and  he  had,  or  affected  to  have,  forgotten  it. 

When  the  ladies  of  the  United  States,  under  the  lead 
of  my  friend,  Miss  Pamela  Cunningham,  of  South  Caro- 
lina undertook  to  purchase  Mount  Vernon,  Mr.  Everett 
delivered,  throughout  the  Republic,  in  aid  of  the  Associ- 
ation, his  famous  oration  on  the  life  and  character  of 
Washington.  From  this  noble  effort  of  Mr.  Everett's, 
the  ladies  realized  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  dollars.  The 
enterprise  was  mainly  successful  owing  to  Mr.  Everett's 
exertions.  Everywhere  he  stirred  up  the  people  to  sub- 
scribe to  the  Association.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  visiting 
very  recently  this  hallowed  residence  of  the  father  of  his 
country,  and  found  the  regent,  Miss  Cunningham,  in 
possession  of  the  premises  and  noble  old  mansion.  Her 
triumph  has  been  a  great  one,  and  heartily  does  she 
enjoy  it. 

Mr.  Everett  was  through  life  more  a  literary  man  than 
a  politician.  He  wrote  a  great  deal,  and  no  one  wrote 
the  English  language  with  more  purity  and  taste.  Many 
of  his  essavs  and  orations  are  models  of  fine  writing  and 
eloquence.  He  has  been  justly  styled  the  Cicero  of  Amer- 
ica.. His  style  was  always  that  of  the  great  Roman 
orator. 

In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  he  procured  from  Mr. 
Dowse,  for  the  Historical  Society  of  Boston,  the  most 
magnificent  collection  of  books  in  any  private  library 
in  America.    Mr.  Dowse  was  a  tanner  bv  trade,  started 


Edward  Everett.  85 

in  the  world  poor  and  lame,  made  money  and  purchased 
books,  always  the  most  costly  editions,  till,  in  his  old 
age,  he  had^collected  the  finest  and  most  costly  private 
library  in  America.  This  library  Mr.  Everett  induced 
him  to  give,  in  his  life-time,  to  the  Historical  Society  of 
Boston. 


SIMEON  FAIR. 


OIOL.  SIMEON  FAIR  represented  the  District  of 
I  Newberry  in  the  Legislature  for  several  years,  and 
took  a  high  position  amongst  the  eminent  men  of  that 
body,  in  the  better  days  of  the  Republic.  He  was  re- 
spected by  all  of  his  compeers  for  his  talents,  integrity, 
honor  and  patriotism,  and  they  elected  him  Solicitor  of 
the  middle  circuit.  This  important  office  he  continued 
to  fill,  by  successive  elections,  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a 
century.  He  was  once  or  twice  put  in  nomination  for 
the  office  of  Judge,  and  came  within  a  few  votes  of  being 
elected.  As  Solictor,  he  was  a  model  officer.  Always 
prepared  in  his  cases,  he  argued  them  with  ability  and 
learning.  The  guilty  seldom  escaped,  and  the  innocent 
had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  prosecuting  officer  on  the 
part  of  the  State.  In  the  administration  of  his  office, 
he  was  firm  and  impartial,  and  gave  universal  satisfac- 
tion. He  had  an  extensive  practice  as  a  lawyer  on  the 
civil  side  of  the  court  in  his  circuit,  which  was  composed 
of  the  Districts  of  Newberry, Richland,  Lexington,  Sum- 
ter and  Kershaw. 

Colonel  Fair  was  born  in  Newberry  District.  His 
father  was  a  prosperous  farmer  and  planter,  and  gave 
his  son  a  good  classical  education.  Dr.  Fair,  one  of  the 
old  gentleman's  sons,  graduated  at  the  Medical  College 
of  Paris,  established  himself  in  Columbia  and  became 
one  of  the  most  eminent  physicians  of  the  State.  Simeon 
established  himself  at  Newberry  C.  H.,  as  a  lawyer,  and 
there  had  to  contend  at  the  Bar  with  Chief  Justice 
O'Neall,  Chancellors  Job  Johnston  and  Caldwell  and  John 
Caldwell,  who  were  all  practicing  lawyers  and  resided  at 
Newberry  when  Simeon  Fair  entered  his  profession. 
That  he  was  able  to  achieve  success,  where  there  was  so 


Simeon  Fair.  87 

much  talent  and  learning  to  contend  with,  is  high 
evidence  of  his  merit,  industry  and  integrity. 

For  almost  a  half  century,  Col.  Fair  and  myself  were 
personal  and  political  friends,  and  there  always1  np  to 
his  death,  existed  a  areat  intimacy  between  us.  He  was 
one  of  my  groomsmen  when  I  was  married,  and  I  had 
for  him  through  life  a  cordial  friendship.  I  knew  well 
his  hig'h  moral  qualities  and  greatly  esteemed  and  ad- 
mired him  as  a  friend.  In  1831,  when  the  Nullification 
controversy  sprung  up  in  South  Carolina,  Col.  Fair  and 
myself  took  sides  against  this  political  heresy,  and  were 
ever  afterwards  identified  in  politics.  The  Union  party 
was  in  a  very  lean  minority  in  Newberry  District,  and 
hence  Col.  Fair  did  not  go  into  the  Legislature  as  soon 
as  he  otherwise  would  have  done.  But  the  Florida  war 
came  on,  and  he  volunteered  his  services  in  that  cam- 
paign and  against  the  Indians.  I  think  he  commanded 
a  company  in  the  regiment  of  Gov.  Butler.  As  soon  as 
he  returned  home,  his  fellow-citizens  of  Newberry  over- 
looked his  political  principles  and  elected  him  to  the  Leg- 
islature for  his  gallant  and  patriotic  services.  This 
Seminole  campaign  was  extraordinary  in  elevating  all 
who  served  in  it  to  public  office.  It  elected  Col.  Butler 
Governor  of  the  State,  and  I  believe  every  office  within 
the  gift  of  the  Legislature,  down  to  the  door-keeper, 
was  filled  by  a  Florida  volunteer. 

In  the  summer  of  1846,  Col.  Fair,  Col.  Frederick  Nance 
and  myself  made  the  tour  of  the  Northern  States  and 
Canada  together.  We  spent  two  or  three  months  very 
pleasantly,  indeed.  Neither  of  us  had  ever  been  North, 
and  everything  was  new  and  interesting.  We  visited 
Washington,  Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  New  York,  the 
Falls  of  Niagara,  Montreal,  Quebec,  Boston,  &c.  I  paid 
my  respects  to  Gov.  Kemble,  in  Albany,  who  was  there 
as  a  member  of  the  New  York  Convention,  and  also  to 
Silas  Wright,  then  Governor  of  the  State.  In  Washing- 
ton, Congress  was  still  in  session,  and  we  had  the  pleas- 


88  Simeon  Fair. 

ure  of  making  the  acquaintance  oe  most  of  the  distin- 
guished men  there.  In  Boston  I  had  a  letter  of  intro- 
duction to  Mr.  Everett,  from  Joel  R.  Poinsett,  and 
called  to  see  him,  who  was  very  kind  and  civil.  We 
were  greatly  interested  in  Montreal  and  Quebec.  Every- 
thing we  saw  reminded  us  that  we  were  in  a  foreign 
country.  In  walking  the  streets  of  Quebec,  and  in  pass- 
ing down  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  we  were  struck  with 
the  diminutive  size  of  the  French  people.  Col.  Fair  said 
he  frequently  saw  the  Canadians  stop  and  gaze  at  us  as 
we  were  walking  the  streets.  The  height  and  size  of 
three  such  men  as  we  were  attracted  their  notice  especi- 
ally. But  in  Montreal  I  never  saw  finer  looking  men 
than  the  Ensrlish  officers  and  soldiers  stationed  there. 
In  Quebec  there  was  a,  Scotch  Regiment  of  Highlanders, 
who  were  all  over  six  feet  in  stature,  and  fancifully 
dressed  in  the  Highland  costume.  Their  appearance 
was  indeed  very  imposing. 

Whilst  in  Albany,  Col.  Fair  remarked  +o  me,  one 
morning,  that  we  were  a  long  ways  from  home.  ''Yes," 
said  I,  "we  are  a  thousand  miles."  "But,"  says  he,  "I 
allude  to  thehighercivilization  of  this  region  of  country 
over  Newberry  and  Greenville  in  agriculture,  commerce, 
magnificent  buildings,  and  in  all  1  he  comforts  and  luxu- 
ries of  life."  I  replied  that  I  had  once  heard  Gen. 
Thompson  say,  whilst  abusing  the  North,  that  it  would 
not  do,  however,  for  one  who  thought  meanly  of  the 
Northern  people  to  travel  amongst  them  and  witness 
their  great  wealth  and  high  civilization,  if  he  wished  to 
retain  his  opinion  of  the  people  and  country.  My  im- 
pression was  that  all  their  superiority  consisted  in  their 
superior  industry  and  homogenity  of  race.  In  the 
South  we  had  slavery  and  the  African  race. 

Col.  Fair  was  a  most  genial  companion  and  pleasant 
in  conversation.  He  had  a  happy  faculty  of  gathering 
news,  and  retailing  it  to  his  associates,  both  at  home 
and  in  travelling.     Whenever  I  met  him   on  the  circuit 


Simeon  Fair.  89 

or  in  Columbia.,  I  eagerly  expected  a  budget  of  news,  in- 
teresting- and  racy.  He  was  greatly  loved  and  esteemed 
by  all  his  associates  and  acquaintances.  Everyone  had 
confidence  in  his  sincerity,  integrity  and  honor.  He 
was  a  gentleman  of  sterling  good  sense  and  judgment. 
At  the  Bar  and  in  the  Legislature,  his  arguments  and 
speeches  were  always  to  the  point,  and  conceived  in 
wisdom.  There  was  nothing  rhetorical  about  them,  or 
for  display  and  vain  glory.  His  mind  was  solid  and 
substantial,  like  his  person.  The  graces  he  did  not  cul- 
tivate in  speech  or  manners,  and  thought  them  more 
appropriate  for  those  of  less  calibre. 

A  few  weeks  before  he  died,  he  passed  through  Green- 
ville on  his  way  to  the  Glenn  Springs.  He  came  to  my 
office  and  sat  some  time  chatting  with  me.  He  was 
evidently  in  feeble  health,  and  said  he  was  going  to  the 
Springs  to  recruit  up  for  the  winter's  work  in  his  pro- 
fession. He  said  he  would  not  abandon  his  profession, 
but  intended  to  die  in  harness.  When  he  left  the  office, 
I  remarked  to  my  son  that  I  thought  he  was  over  san- 
guine in  his  expectations  of  recruiting  up  for  the  win- 
ter's professional  labor,  and  I  greatly  feared  he  was 
then  sinking  into  his  grave. 

I  made  the  acquaintance  of  Col.  Fair's  parents  unex- 
pectedly and  rather  strangely,  after  a  long  and  very  in- 
timate acquaintance  with  him,  and  his  brother,  Dr. 
Fair.  In  returning  from  Columbia,  one  winter,  I  took 
the  road  through  Lexington,  to  avoid  the  mud  on  the 
main  road  to  Newberry.  Night  overtook  me,  the 
weather  was  excessively  cold,  and  the  road,  which  I 
never  passed  over  before,  was  very  bad.  Some  miles 
below  Newberry  Court  House,  T  saw  a  farm  house 
lighted  up  some  distance  from  the  road.  I  determined 
to  drive  up  and  appeal  to  the  humanity  of  the  owners 
for  a  night's  lodging.  An  elderly  gentleman  came  out, 
and  hearing  my  representation,  he  said,  with  great  cor- 
diality: ''Surely  you  can  stay,  sir."    When  I  went  into 


90  Simeon  Eair. 

the  house,  the  old  lady,  hearing  me  nay  that  I  had  left 
Columbia  that  morning,  and  had  been  there  for  some 
weeks,  enquired  if  I  had  seen  her  son,  Dr.  Fair,  and  how 
he  and  his  family  were.  I  said  to  her:  "lam,  indeed, 
most  happy,  madam,  to  meet  the  mpther  of  my  dear 
friend  and  groomsman,  Col.  Simeon  Fair,  your  son.  The 
Doctor,  is  quite  well,  and  I  saw  him  the  day  before  I  left 
Columbia."  The  kindness  and  hospitality  of  that  night, 
I  never  can  forget. 

Col.  Fair  married  late  in  life,  a  young,  beautiful  and 
accomplished  lady,  who  made  him  a  most  loving  and 
affectionate  wife.  I  saw  her  before  her  marriage,  and 
thought  her  one  of  the  most  beautiful  young  ladies  I 
had  ever  seen.  She  died  several  years  before  her  noble 
husband.  She  left  two  children,  a  son  and  daughter. 
The  Colonel  felt  deeply  theloss  of  his  companion,  and  well 
he  might  mourn  for  one  who  was  the  solace  of  his  life, 
and  the  stay  and  prop  of  his  household.  He  died  at 
Glenn  Springs,  in  the  seventy-second  year  of  his  age,  esL 
teemed  and  regretted  by  all  who  knew  him.      , 


EDWARD  FROST. 


HIS  most  amiable  and  excellent  gentleman  was 
for  many  years  one  of  the  Law  Judges  of  South 
Carolina.  He  did  what  very  few  judges  have  done  in 
South  Carolina— voluntarily  resigned  his  seat  on  the 
bench. .  I  remember,  some  years  before  Judge  Frost  sent 
his  resignation  to  the  Legislature,  Mr.  Robert  VV.  Barn- 
well, speaking  of  the  life  of  a  judge,  said  it  was  surpris- 
ing that  Judge  Frost,  who  was  a  gentleman  of  fortune, 
and  fond  of  his  family  and  domesticlife,  should  continue 
on  the  Bench,  and  spending  the  greater  part  of  his  life 
at  hotels,  holding  courts  and  taking  down  the  testi- 
mony of  rude  and  ignorant  men.  That  a  distinguished 
lawyer  should  aspire  to  the  highest  honors  of  his  pro- 
fession, is  very  natural  and  commendable;  but  if  he  has 
a  fortune,  it  is  a  little  remarkable  that  he  should  con- 
tinue to  perform,  in  his  old  age,  the  laborious  drudgery 
of  a  judge.  Most  of  our  judges  in  South  Carolina  have 
been  men  in  moderate  circumstances,  and  felt  that  they 
could  not,  in  justice  to  themselves  and  families,  give  up 
their  position  and  its  salary. 

Judge  Frost  was  born  in  the  city  of  Charleston,  and 
graduated  at  Yale  College.  He  read  law  and  was 
admitted  to  the  Bar  at  an  early  age.  He  had  a  fine 
practice,  but  left  to  his  partner,  as  I  have  heard  him 
say,  the  entire  settlement  of  all  fees,  as  well  as  the 
amounts  their  clients  were  to  pay.  He  had  no  taste  for 
making  charges  and  collecting  fees.  Whilst  a  very 
young  man  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature 
from  the  city  of  Charleston,  and  continued  in  that  body 
till  he  was  elected  to  the  Bench.  The  first  time  I  ever 
saw  Judge  Frost  lie  was  making  a  speech  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  on   some  local  question  connected 


92  Edward  Frost. 

with  the  JTitereats  of  his  constituents.  The  opposition 
to  his  measure  seemed  to  come  from  the  upper  country. 
He  was  very  much  excited,  and  spoke  with  great  warmth 
of  manner  and  evident  sincerity.  He  thought  those  who 
were  opposing  him  did  not  understand  the  question,  as 
they  were  from  the  country.  He  tauntingly  said  that 
they  could  not  see  the  propriety  of  the  measure,  for  they 
had  in  all  probability  " never  smelt  salt  water."  This 
expression  greatly  amused  the  House,  and  became  a  bv- 
word  afterwards  with  some  of  the  members  from  the 
upper  districts.  Thev  would  say,  in  addressing  the 
Speaker,  that  although  they  had  "never  smelt  salt 
water,"  they  knew  certain  facts  to  be  true,  &c.  This 
quotation  was  made  so  often,  that  the  young  member 
became  a  little  restive  under  it. 

I  served  in  the  Legislature  many  years  with  Judge 
Frost,  and  never  saw  a  more  pure,  upright,  conscientious 
and  honorable  man.  He  told  me,  whilst  he  was  on  the 
Bench,  and  when  the  question  of  separate  secession  was 
first  mooted  in  South  Carolina,  that  he  had  yielded  his 
conscientious  convictions  of  propriety  to  the  judgment 
of  others,  in  our  Nullification  struggle,  and  that  he  was 
resolved  he  would  never  do  so  again. 

After  he  resigned  his  Judgeship,  he  was  elected  Presi- 
dent of  the  Blue  Ridge  Railroad  Company,  and  devoted 
himself  for  several  years  to  the  great  interests  of  that 
Company.  During  his  presidency,  the  company  was 
involved  in  a  most  tedious  and  harassing  litigation  with 
Bangs  &  Co.,  who  were  contractors  on  the  road.  The 
suit  was  brought  in  Georgia,  and  the  judge  had  to 
attend  the  court  for  some  time.  He  told  me  that  after 
the  adjournment  of  court,  every  day,  his  counsel  and 
himself  would  repair  to  his  rooms  at  the  hotel,  and  take 
a  drink  of  some  good  old  brandy  which  he  had  brought 
with  him  from  Charleston.  The  counsel  suggested  one 
day,  that  he  should  invite  the  presiding  Judge  to  go 
with  them  and  join  them  in  a  glass  of  brandy.    Judge 


Edward  Frost.  .  93 

Frost  replied  that  he  would  be  very  happy  indeed  to 
have  the  pleasure  of  His  Honor's  company,  but  he 
doubted  very  much  the  propriety  of  such  a  step.  In 
South  Carolina  it  would  be  regarded  as  indelicate,  and 
that  he  had  never  heard  of  such  a  thing  as  treating  the 
Judge  who  was  trying-  an  important  case,  either  whilst 
he  was  at  the  Bar  or  on  the  Bench.  The  counsel  assured 
him  that  there  was  no  such  delicacy  existing  in  their 
courts.  Thereupon,  the  Judge  was  invited,  and  went 
with  them  regularly  to  his  rooms.  Judge  Frost  said 
his  brandy  soon  gave  out,  and  he  had  to  send  off  to 
some  grocery  establishment  to  get  a  fresh  supply.  His 
counsel  and  His  Honor  did  not  perceive  any  difference  in 
the  liquor.  They  continued  to  praise  it,  and  said  it  was 
far  superior  to  anything  of  the  kind  they  could  get  in 
that  region  of  country. 

At  length  Judge  Frost  got  tired  of  the  presidency  of 
this  railroad  company,  and  wrote  me  a  very  kind  letter, 
stating  that  his  purpose  was  to  resign,  and  said  that  he 
and  his  board  of  directors  desired  me  to  accept  the  pres- 
idency of  the  road.  I  wrote  back  to  him  that  my  life 
had  been  devoted  to  law  and  politics,  and  that  I  was 
now  unfit  for  anything  else.  I  could  not  think  of  accept- 
ing a  position  which  I  was  wholly  unfit  for  and  knew 
nothing  about. 

During  the  civil  war,  Judge  Frost  resided  at  Pendle- 
ton, and  after  the  surrender  of  Gen.  Johnston,  a  Yankee 
raid  came  through  that  part  of  the  country,  and  the 
citizens  armed  themselves  to  resist.  The  Judge  shoul- 
dered his  rifle  and  marched  out  to  meet  the  raiders.  He 
then  returned  to  Charleston,  which  was  in  ruins,  and 
socially  in  a  state  of  chaos.  They  were  without  civil 
government,  and  determined  to  make  application  to  the 
President  for  the  appointment  of  a  Provisional  Gov- 
ernor for  South  Carolina.  The  Judge  and  four  or  five 
other  gentlemen  were  requested  by  the  citizens  to  pro- 
ceed to  Washington  and  ask  an  interview  with  President 


94  Edward  Frost. 

Johnson  on  this  subject.  They  did  so,  and  several 
names  were  suggested  to  his  Excellency,  mine  amongst 
them.  The  President  asked  Judge  Frost  if  I  was  not 
"too  much  of  a  people's  man  to  be  acceptable  to  the  city 
of  Charleston."  The  Judge  assured  him  that  my  nomi- 
nation would  be  altogether  acceptable.  Me  called  again, 
and  the  President  assured  him  that  my  appointment 
would  be  made. 

Judge  Frost  was  a  member  of  the  State  Convention, 
which  assembled  in  1865,  to  frame  a  new  Constitution 
for  South  Carolina.  He  participated  largely  in  the 
debates  of  that  Convention,  which  was  composed  of  the 
ablest  men  of  the  State.  It  is  doubtful  whether  any 
assembly  ever  convened  in  South  Carolina  surpassed  it 
for  talents,  wisdom  and  ability.  But  their  labors 
availed  nothing.  Another  Convention  was  ordered  by 
Act  of  Congress,  to  make  another  Constitution.  This 
Convention  was  the  opposite  in  all  respects  of  theformer 
one,  and  was  the  disgraceful  beginning  of  that  corrup- 
tion, ignorance  and  roguery  which  have  governed  the 
State  ever  since,  and  dishonored  every  department  of 
its  government. 

Judge  Frost  made  a  very  admirable  Circuit  Judge  ; 
always  pleasant,  good  natured,  polite  and  courteous. 
He  despatched  the  business  of  his  court  promptly  and 
with  ability.  A  more  pure  and  upright  Judge  never 
sat  on  any  Bench.  Judge  Frost  may  have  had  personal 
enemies,  but  I  never  heard  of  one.  In  his  personal 
appearance  he  was  prepossessing,  and  his  manners  were 
those  of  a  polished  gentleman.  I  heard  a  gentleman 
say,  who  had  seen  Lord  Brougham  seated  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  that  there  was  a  striking  likeness  between  him 
and  Judge  Frost.  But  when  the  Lord  Chancellor  rose 
to  address  the  House  of  Lords,  he  discovered  that  he 
was  a  much  taller  man  than  the  Judge,  and  a  greatdeal 
taller  than  any  one  would  suppose  him  to  be  seeing  him 
seated. 


Edward  Frost.  95 

Judge  Frost  was  most  sensitive  to  any  seeming  im- 
propriety. He  was  once  trying  a  very  trifling  sum. 
pro.,  and  one  of  the  parties  litigant  was  put  upon  the 
stand  as  a  witness.  He  shook  hands  with  the  Judge, 
and  reminded  him  that  he  had  served  in  the  Legislature 
with  him,  and  voted  for  him  when  he  was  elected  Judge. 
After  court  adjourned,  the  Judge  said  to  me:  "That 
beast  of  a  fellow  had  the  indelicacy  to  tell  me  whilst 
trying  his  case,  that  he  had  voted  for  me  in  the  Legisla- 
ture when  I  was  elected  to  the  Bench!"  He  seemed  to 
think  that  this  was  said  to  influence  his  decision  in  the 
case;  but  I  told  him  h«  must  attribute  it  to  ignorance 
rather  than  to  impropriety. 


-^^^c 


MILLARD  FILLMORE. 

RESIDENT  FILLMORE,  though  a  stouter  man, 
was  not  unlike  Chief  Justice  O'Neal,  of  South  Caro- 
lina,,  in  his  appearance.  There  was  a  striking  resem- 
blance, too,  between  him  and  Col.  Thomas  Thompson,  of 
Abbeville,  South  Carolina,  in  their  faces  and  features: 
During-  our  political  excitement,  I  had  the  honor  of  re- 
ceiving several  private  and  confidential  letters  from 
President  Fillmore.  In  1852  I  was  presented  to  him  by 
Governor  Orr,  at  one  of  his  reception  parties.  He  en- 
quired if  I  was  the  editor  of  the  Southern  Patriot,  and 
expressed  himself  very  much  gratified  to  see  me.  The 
dense  stream  of  human  beings  carried  me  on,  and  I  had 
no  further  conversation  with  him  that  evening.  The 
next  day  I  received  an  invitation  to  dine  with  him. 
There  was  a  large  party  of  gentlemen  present,  and 
among  them  Mr.  Thackeray,  of  England.  I  went  under 
the  auspices  of  Col.  Polk,  brother  of  ex-President  Polk, 
who  was  then  a  member  of  Congress  from  Tennessee.  I 
called  again  the  nextday  and  had  alongchat  with  Presi- 
dent Fillmore.  He  told  me  that  immediately  after  the 
death  of  General  Taylor,  he  assembled  the  cabinet,  and 
requested  them  to  continue  in  their  respective  offices  for 
the  present.  This  they  promptly  refused  to  do  unless 
they  were  assured  that  they  would.be  permanently  re- 
tained in  the  cabinet.  Mr.  Fillmore  refused  to  give  any 
such  assurance,  and  accepted  their  resignations.  He 
said  he  was  very  much  embarrassed  by  this  movement, 
but  requested  the  chief  clerks  in  the  several  departments 
to  take  charge  of  the  offices  till  he  could  organize  his 
cabinet. 

In  speaking  of  the  negro  riot  in  Boston,  and  the  re- 
sistance there  to  the  capture  of  runaway  slaves,  he  said 
he  began  to  think  he  should  have  to  shed  a  little  blood 


Millard  Fillmore.  97 

in  that  cradle  of  liberty,  as  Boston  had  been  termed, 
and  that  he  was  prepared  to  do  so.  In  talking  over  the 
political  excitement  in  South  Carolina,  and  the  threats 
we  had  made  of  seceding,  he  said  his  purpose  was,  if  we 
had  attempted  such  a  movement  in  1850,  to  stop  the 
mails,  and  thereby  cut  us  off  from  all  communication 
with  the  outer  world,  and  remove  the  Custom  House 
from  Charleston  to  some  vessel  in  the  harbor  where  the 
duties  could  becollected.  "In  this  way," said  he,  "I  in- 
tended to  force  you  back  into  the  Union,  or  let  you  stay 
out. till  you  got  tired  of  it."  I  thought  his  plans  were 
well  conceived,  and  would  have  been  successful  without 
shedding  a  drop  of  blood.  I  was  greatly  impressed  with 
his  good  sense,  wisdom  and  patriotism.  I  thought  he 
possessed  a  most  practical  mind.  He  certainly  made  a 
most, admirable  President,  and  administered  the  gov- 
ernment with  great  justice  and  impartiality.  He  told 
me  in  the  same  conversation,  that  he  had  a  long  con- 
versation the  day  before,  with  General  Pierce,  who  was 
to  be  inaugurated  the  fourth  of  March  as  his  successor 
in  the  Presidential  chair.  He  said  the  President-elect 
had  communicated  very  freely  to  hi  in  his  views  and 
policy,  and  that  he  was  much  pleased  with  them. 

After  President  Fillmore  went  out  of  office,  he  made  a 
tour  through  theSouthern  States,  and  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  meeting  him  in  Columbia.  In  speaking  of  the 
parties  in  South  Carolina,  I  told  him,  in  the  presence 
of  a  large  number  of  secessionists, and  co-operationists, 
that  the  Union  party,  though  very  small  in  the-  State, 
had  great  capacity,  for  they  had  swallowed  up  both  the 
other  parties,  which  were  very  large.  He  enjoyed  the 
idea  very  much.  In  the  election  between  Buchanan  and 
Fremont,  President  Fillmore  declared  that  the  election 
of  a  sectional  candidate,  like  Fremont,  as  President  of 
the  United  States,  would  be  cause  for  the  Southern  States 
withdrawing  from  the  Union-.  But  on  the  election  of 
Lincoln,  he  abandoned  this  doctrine  and,  sustained  the 
war.  .,.-.■ 


-*ys 


JAMBS  K.  POLK. 


PRESIDENT  POLK  was  not  a,  striking  man  in  his 
appearance  or  manners.  He  reminded  me  very 
much,  when  I  first  saw  him,  of  a  silversmith  in  Green- 
ville, South  Carolina.  He  was  of  ordinary  height  and 
size,  and  would  never  be  enquired  after  by  a  stranger. 
But  he  was  a  man  of  talents  and  ability.  As  a  stump 
orator  and  electioneerer  he  had  few  equals.  He  under- 
stood, however,  nature  well,  and  had  irreat  tact  fa  politi- 
cal management.  He  was  full  of  anecdotes,  and  told 
them  with  great  effect  in  his  public  speeches.  Whilst 
canvassing  Tennessee  for  Governor,  he  compared  his 
opponent  to  a  man  who  was  captured  during  the  Revo- 
lutionary war  by  a  scouting  party.  They  demanded  of 
him  to  say  whether  he  was  for  the  king  or  the  country. 
He  replied:  "You  say  first,  for  you  are  the  n  ost."  I 
never  saw  him  till  after  his  election  as  President.  He 
had  been  a  member  of  Congress  for  many  years,  and  was 
once  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Some  of 
his  speeches  in  Congress  were  marked  with  great  ability. 
I  was  introduced  to  him  and  Mrs.  Polk  in  the  summer 
of  184(5.  Mrs.  Polk  was  a  most  charming  lady,  and 
quite  handsome.  Her  manners  were  fine,  and  I  thought 
there  was  a  great  contrast  between  her  and  her  hus- 
band, in  their  manners  and  appearance.  The  Mexican 
war  was  on  hand  at  that  time,  and  President  Polk 
remarked  to  me  that  he  was  fighting  for  peace.  The 
conquest  of  Mexico  soon  followed  and  peace  came.  The 
administration  of  President  Polk  was  a  most  successful 
and  brilliant  one  for  the  country. 

He  was  born  in  North  Carolina,  somewhere  in  thesame 
region  which  gave  birth  to  Andrew  Jackson.  Like 
Jackson,  he  moved  to  Tennessee,  and  like  him,  too,  he 


James  K.  Polk.  99 

reached  the  Presidency.  It  is  a  singular  fact,  that  three 
of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  Jackson,  Polk 
and  Johnson,  should  have  been  born  near  each  other  in 
North  Carolina,  all  three  should  have  moved  to  Ten- 
nessee, and  been  elected  from  that  State  to  the  Presi- 
dency. There  were  great  doubts  about  Jackson's  birth- 
place at  one  time.  He  thought,  himself,  that  he  was 
born  in  South  Carolina,  and  for  a  number  of  years  the 
house  was  regarded  by  everybody  as  being  in  South 
Carolina.  But  I  think  Parton's  Life  of  Jackson  settles 
the  question.  The  spot  belongs  to  North  Carolina,  and 
is  only  a  few  yards  from  the  South  Carolina  line.  The 
rubbish  of  the  chimney  was  still  to  be  seen  by  Mr.  Par- 
ton,  and  the  dividing  line  had  been  correctly  ascertained 
between  the  two  States.  It  is  with  deep  regret  that  we 
give  up  the  nativity  of  Jackson  to  the  old  North  State, 
but  the  truth  of  history  must  be  vindicated. 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 


I-  SAW  President'  Pierce  a  few  days  before  his  inaugu- 
ration, and  was  very  much  pleased  with  him.  He  is  a 
man  of  most  cordial  and  genial  nature,  high-toned  and 
generous  in  all  his  actions,  and  possesses  a  pure,  broad 
patriotism  which  embraces  his  whole  country.  He  is 
governed,  however,  too  much  by  his  impulses  to  be  wise 
In  the  administration  of  a  great  Republic.  A  man  of 
strong,  deep  feelings  is  more  apt  to  err  than  one  with- 
out such  feelings.  He  naturally  suffers  his  feelings  to 
get  the  better  of  his  judgment. 

President  Fillmore  declared  that  he  would  not  ap- 
point to  any  office,  either  a  secessionist  or  abolitionist. 
He  did  this  for  the  purpose  of  building  up  a,  great 
National  Union  party  North  and  South.  He  looked 
upon  both  the  other  parties  as  sectional  parties,  dis- 
unionists  in  fact,  and  he  wished  to  destroy  them  as 
parties,  to  keep  them  from  destroying  the  Republic.  In 
this,  there  was  great  wisdom,  and  great  statesmanship 
as  well  as  good  sense.  President  Pierce  unfortunately 
adopted  a  different  policy,  and  appointed  avowed  dis- 
unionists  to  office  in  the  Southern  States  and  openly 
acknowledged  abolitionists  to  office  in  the  Northern 
States.  This  was  done  to  gratify  popular  sectional 
majority,  and  had  the  effect  of  destroying  the  true 
Union  party  North  and  South.  All  the  offices  in  the 
Southern  States  were  in  a  great  measure  filled  by  seces- 
sionists and  disunionists.  Good  Union  men,  like  Col- 
onel Grayson,  were  turned  out  of  office,  to  make  room 
for  secessionists  like  Colonel  Colcock.  Colonel  Grayson 
was  a  Whig  and  Colonel  Colcock  was  a  Democrat.  This 
policy  alone  gave  an  impetus  to  disunion,  which  noth- 
ing could  stop     He  called  to  his  cabinet  disunionists  of 


Franklin  Pierce.  101 

the  first  water,  and  strengthened  them  as  a  party 
throughout  the  Southern  States. 

President  Pierce  said  to  me  that  he  had  no  desire  to 
be  President  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the  Ameri- 
can people  had  committed  a  great  mistake  in  electing- him 
their  Chief  Magistrate.  I  did  not  think  so  then,  hut 
afterwards  I  became  satisfied  of  the  truth  of  his  remark. 
He  did  a  great  deal  to  hasten  the  outbreak  of  secession, 
and  President  Buchanan,  by  pursuing  the  same  policy, 
completed  it.  If  they  had  filled  their  cabinets  with 
Union  men  and  refused  to  appoint  sectional  mentoofficc, 
North  and  South,  the  great  rebellion,  so  called,  would 
have  been  crushed  out. 

I  did  not  go  to  hear  President  Pierce's  inaugural  ad- 
dress. The  day  was  excessively  inclement,  and  the 
crowd  was  endless.  Pennsylvania  avenue,  for  one  mile 
in  length,  was  one  jammed  mass  of  human  beings.  His 
address  was  in  character  with  the  man,  and  much 
lauded  at  the  time  for  its  eloquence  and  patriotism. 

During  the  war,  President  Pierce  behaved  better 
towards  the  South  than  any  other  prominent  public 
man  at  the  North.  He  regretted  disunion  deeply,  but 
said  that  if  the  Southern  States  were  determined  on  sep- 
aration, they  ought  not  to  be  coerced.  He  thought 
that  according  to  the  sacred  principles  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  they  were  entitled  to  govern 
themselves  as  they  thought  proper.  This  every  people 
had  a  right  to.     Nothing  else  could  be  self-government. 

President  Pierce,  when  elected,  was  quite  a  young- 
looking  man,  tall  and  slender,  and  p repossessing  in  his 
appearance.  He  had  been  a  General  in  the  Mexican  war, 
and  was  a  lawyer  of  great  distinction  at  the  Par.  He 
had  served  several  years  in  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
and  his  record  was  as  true  as  steel.  President  Davis 
was  his  Secretary  of  War,  and  he  has  recently  said  that 
he  was  more  attached  to  Franklin  Pierce  than  any  man 
living.    Just  before  Davis  was  released   from   imprison- 


102  Franklin  Pierce. 

ment  at  Fortress  Monroe,  President  Pierce  paid  him  a 
friendly  visit.  He  lost  his  only  child,  a  very  promising 
boy,  just  after  his  election  as  President. 

In  conversation  with  a  South  Carolina  gentleman, 
President  Pierce  said,  immediately  after  his  inaugura- 
tion, that  if  he  had  lived  in  the  South,  he,  too,  would 
have  been  a  secessionists.  I  thought  this  very  strange 
language  for  a  President  to  use.  Bat  it  was  an  honest 
confession  of  his  impulsive  heart,  and  in  character  with 
the  man.  He  detested  oppression  and  wrong,  and 
thought  that  Northern  interference  with  our  domestic 
institutions  most  unwarrantable.  Under  these  wrongs, 
oppressions  and  interferences,  his  feelings,  and  not  his 
judgment,  would  have  controlled  his  actions. 

Since  writing  this  sketch  of  President  Pierce,  he  has 
departed  this  life,  and  no  Northern  statesman  has  left 
behind  him  a  reputation  more  endeared  to  the  South. 
He  was  faithful  to  his  political  principles,  inherited  from 
his  Revolutionary  ancestors,  amidst  the  faithless  North, 
in  our  civil  war,  which  denied  to  the  Southern  States, 
in  their  folly,  the  right  of  self-government,  at  the  sacri- 
fice of  half  a  million  of  human  lives. 


^* 


Wl-m-- 


*^~A£*.*..  *^.*.^~^^  »_...,.«: > 


WILLIAM  GASTON. 

T|UDGE  GASTON,  of  North  Carolina,  was  a  dis- 
£-&>  tinguished  jurist,  an  able  statesman,  and  an 
accomplished  gentleman.  It  is  said  that  a  man's  auto- 
graph gives  you  some  idea  of  his  character.  I  have  fre- 
quently thought  of  this  in  looking  over  ten  or  fifteen 
volumes  of  letters,  substantially  bound,  which,  in  the 
course  of  a  long  life,  I  have  received  from  distinguished 
men.  And  I  have  thought,  too,  that  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  truth  in  the  remark.  Judge  Gaston,  according 
to  this  rule,  was  an  accomplished  gentleman.  Every- 
thing about  his  letters,  as  well  as  his  handwriting, 
indicated  it.  They  were  neatly  folded  and  endorsed. 
There  were  no  flourishes  in  his  writing.  The  hand  was 
neat,  plain  and  easily  read,  and  perfectly  uniform 
throughout.  It  showed  that  he  never  wrote  in  a  hurry, 
and  the  English  notion  is,  that  a  gentleman  should 
never  be  in  a  hurry.  He  should  always  be  calm,  sedate 
and  dignified.  Any  one  looking  at  the  handwriting  of 
Washington,  would  be  apt  to  say  that  he  was  a  grave, 
dignified  gentleman,  taking  time  to  reflect  as  well  as  to 
write.  On  the  contrary,  the  autograph  of  Napoleon 
clearly  showed  that  he  was  in  a  hurry,  and  did  not  give 
a  moment's  reflection  as  to  the  character  of  his  writing. 
All  that  he  thought  of  was  to  give  expression  to  ideas 
which  were  crowding  his  mind.  He  had  no  respect  for 
any  mere  accomplishment. 

Judge  Gaston  was  one  of  North  Carolina's  greatest, 
ablest  and  best  of  men.  He  was  a  conservative,  and 
respected  the  wisdom  of  past  ages.  He  belonged  to  the 
old  Federal  school  of  statesmen,  and  being  a  man  of 
principle,  he  adhered  in  all  things  to  what  his  best  judg- 
ment told  him  was  right.     This  kept  him  out  of  politics 


104  William  Gaston. 

the 'greater  part  of  his  life,  ami  prevented  him  from 
acquiring  that  reputation  which  bis  talents,  virtues  and 
accomplishments  entitled  him  to  as  a  public  man.  He 
was  born  in  the  little  town  of  Newbern,  North  Carolina. 
September  19th,  1778.  He  graduated  at  Princeton,  in 
1796,  with  the  highest  honors  of  the  college.  Two  .years 
alter  his  admission  to  the  Bar,  he  was  elected  a  member 
of  the  State  Senate,  in  North  Carolina,  and  afterwards 
a  member  of  the  House.  In  1808,  he  wan  chosen 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  was  elected 
a  member  of  Congress  in  1813,  and  served  in  that  body 
four  years,  where  he  acquired  a  national  reputation  for 
talents,  ability  and  eloquence  of  a,  high  order.  He  was 
the  leader  of  the  Federal  party  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. He  retired  from  Congress  in  1817,  and 
devoted  himself  to  his  profession.  He  was  employed  in 
all  the  most  important  cases  in  the  State.  The  Earl  of 
Granville  retained  him  to  bring  suit  for  lands  granted 
his  ancestor,  one  of  the  Lord's  proprietors  of  North 
Carolina,  which  covered  about  two-thirds  of  the  State! 
Neither  popular  clamor  nor  the  odium  of  such  a  case 
could  deter  him  from  engaging  in  it.  He  said  that  it 
should  not  go  abroad  that  a  foreigner  could  not  en^a^ 
counsel  to  prosecute  his  claims.  The  suit  however 
failed,  or  it  would  have  dispossessed  one-half  of  the 
free-holders  of  North  Carolina.  In  1834  he  was  elected 
a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina,  for 
which,  it  was  said,  "his  tastes,  character  and  intellectual 
qualities  eminently  fitted  him."  He  was  a  Roman  Cath- 
olic, and  by  the  (then)  State  Constitution,  incapable  of 
holding  any  State  office.  But  this  provision  of  the  Con- 
stitution was  treated  as  a  dead  letter  in  Judge  Gaston's 
case. 

In  1835  a  State  Convention  was  called  in  North  Caro- 
lina to  revise  their  Constitution.  The  question  of  free- 
negro  suffrage  came  up  for  consideration.  Under  the 
old  State  Constitution,  all  freemen,  paying  a  tax,  were 


William  Gaston.  105 

allowed  to  vote.  It  was  proposed  to  restrict  this  quali- 
fication to  free  white  men,  and  thereby  exclude  free 
negroes.  Judge  Gaston  resisted  this  change  in  the  Con- 
stitution with  great  ability  and  eloquence.  Heappealed 
to  the  members  of  the  Convention  to  say  whether  their 
experience  did  not  prove  that,  in  all  cases,  the  free 
negroes  voted  with  the  gentlemen  and  better  class  of 
white  voters.  He  insisted  that  such  was  the  fact,  and 
no  one  controverted  it.  How  different  is  our  experience 
in  South  Carolina,  since  the  abolition  of  slavery, and  the 
investment  of  the  colored  man  with  the  right  of  suffrage. 
Instead  of  voting  with  gentlemen,  and  for  gentlemen  of 
intelligence  and  character,  the  colored  men  in  South 
Carolina,  with  a  few  exceptions,  invariably  vote  with 
and  for  the  lowest  and  vilest  white  men  in  the  commu- 
nity. Why  is  this?  Because,  in  Judge  Gaston's  day 
and  time,  the  free  negroes  had  more  intelligence  than 
the  great  mass  of  colored  voters  in  South  Carolina  of 
the  present  day  They  owned  property,  and  their  inter- 
ests prompted  them  to  depend  on  gentlemen  for  protec- 
tion and  assistance.  Most  unfortunately,  now,  the 
colored  men  have  had  their  minds  poisoned  by  the 
unprincipled  white  carpet-baggers  and  scalawags  with 
stories  of  being  thrown  back  into  slavery  !  But  the  day 
will  come  when  the  colored  voter  will  prefer  a  gentleman 
to  a  low  scoundrel. 

Judge  Gaston  died  in  his  sixty-sixth  year.  He  fell 
dead  in  the  midst  of  an  animated  conversation,  and  his 
last  words  were  expressing  his  faith  in  the  "All-wise  and 
Mighty."  He  was  still  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
North  Carolina  at  his  death,  and  his  death  was  a  great 
loss  to  the  judiciary  of  that  State.  When  it  was  pro- 
posed to  change  the  judiciary  system  of  South  Carolina, 
I  wrote  letters  to  Chancellor  Kent  and  Judge  Gaston, 
as  two  of  the  most  distinguished  jurists  in  the  United 
States,  asking  their  counsel  and  advice  as  to  the  best 
system  of  judication.     I  wrote  to  no  one  else.     The  fol- 


106  William  Gaston. 

lowing  letter  was  kindly  written  me  in  reply  by  Judge 
Gaston.  It  will  be  read  with  interest.  Almost  all  of  the 
old  judges  and  lawyers  were  in  favor  of  separate  courts 
of  equity  and  separate  courts  of  appeal  In  the  lan- 
guage of  Chancellor  Kent,  we  are  all  the  creatures,  more 
or  less,  of  education.  But  in  North  Carolina  they  had 
no  separate  courts  of  equity.  It  was  the  defect  of  the 
judiciary  system,  in  this  respect,  as  seen  by  Judge 
Gaston,  which  made  him  in  fa.vorof  the  English  system, 
and  that  system  which  presided  in  South  Carolina  up  to 
the  present  order  of  things. 

Blythe  Wood,  Sept,  22,  1836. 

My  Dear  Sir—  Your  letter-  of  the  19th  July  was  handed 
me  as  I  was  about  leaving  home  on  a  long  excursion, 
and  I  have  not  since  been  sufficiently  settled  to  have  it 
in  my  power  to  answer  it.  I  seize  a  few  moments  of  rest, 
which  I  am  spending  in  the  interior  of  New  York,  with  a 
near  and  dear  friend,  to  give  you  my  thoughts  upon  the 
subject  to  which  you  have  invited  my  attention. 

I  deem  it  essential  to  a.  proper  judiciary  system,  that 
there  should  be  a  court  for  the  correction  of  errors, 
composed  of  judges  entirely  distinct  from  those  who 
preside  on  the  circuit.  It  is  not  possible  for  me,  in  the 
language  of  a  letter,  to  give  even  a  correct  outline  of 
the  reasons  which  have  produced  this  decided  opinion. 
I  will  only  say,  that  such  an  arrangement  is  indispensa- 
ble for  proper  deliberation,  impartiality  and  dignity. 
The  revising  tribunal  in  our  State  has  been  so  consti- 
tuted ever  since  the  year  1818,  and  there  is  scarcely 
now  a  dissenting  opinion  in  the  profession,  or  among 
the  intelligent  part  of  the  community  as  to  the  propri- 
ety of  this  organization. 

I  am  not  qualified  by  experience,  to  give  an  opinion 
on  the  comparative  merits  of  the  administration  of 
equitable  jurisprudence  by  judges  of  the  courts  of  law. 
and  by  judges  set  apart  wholly  for  that  purpose.     We 


William  Gaston.  107 

have  never  had  in  our  State  district  judges  to  hold  our 
courts  of  equity.  But  I  have  found  so  many  serious 
inconveniences  resulting  from  our  system,  that  I  ha^e 
long  wished  it  could  be  changed.  The  modes  of  pro- 
ceeding in  law  and  at  equity  are  so  different,  the  forms 
of  pleading  and  the  rules  of  practice  so  dissimilar,  that 
it  is  scarcely  possible  to  find  a  working  judge  who  is  at 
home  with  both  courts.  As  the  number  of  equitable 
controversies  bear  no  proportion  to  that  of  legal  suits, 
the  consequence  is,  that  we  have  very  respectable  law 
judges  on  the  circuit  court  bench,  who  admit  that  they 
are  mere  tyros  in  the  science  of  equity.  In  the  supreme 
court  to  which  appeals  are  brought  from  both  sides  of 
the  circuit  court,  we  have  an  admirable  opportunity  of 
comparing  the  skill  manifested  in  one  class  of  cases, 
with  the  want  of  it  to  indict  in  the  other. 

Believe  me,  Sir,  that  no  apology  was  necessary  for 
communicating  your  wishes  to  me,  and  I  shall  deem 
myself  very  happy  if  lean  be  able  in  any  degree  to  gratify 
them.  By  the  time  you  receive  this  letter,  I  shall  be 
on  my  way  to  Newbern ;  and  when  there,  it  will  afford 
me  great  pleasure  to  answer  more  in  detail  such  farther 
enquiries  as  you  may  please  address  to  me.  I  am,  Sir, 
with  respectful  sentiments, 

Your  very  obedient  servant, 

Will.  Gaston. 


WADE  HAMPTON. 

JTT;HE  name  of  Wade  Hampton  has  been  distin- 
1  guished,  in  three  generations,  for  patriotic  ser- 
vices, talents  and  wealth,  in  South  Carolina.  It  may 
well  be  said  that  the  name  is  an  illustrious  one,  and  one 
in  which  every  South  Carolinian  feels  a  just  pride.  Gene- 
ral Wade  Hampton,  of  the  American  Revolution,  was  a 
very  remarkable  man  and  lived  to  a  great  old  age.  He 
was  a  dashing  young  cavalry  officer  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary war  arid  distinguished  himself  in  several  engage- 
ments with  the  enemy.  In  the  war  of  1812  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  Major  General  in  the  United  States  Army,  and 
commanded  on  the  frontiers  of  Canada.  After  the  close 
of  the  Revolutionary  war,  he  represented  his  State  in 
Congress,  as  soon  as  the  Federal  Government  was  or- 
ganized. But  he  soon  abandoned  public  life  and  de- 
voted his  great  energies  and  talents  to  planting.  He 
made  large  investments  in  Louisiana,  soon  after  the 
United  States  acquired  that  Territory  from  the  French 
Government,  which  increased  in  value  and  made  him  a 
princely  estate.  He  became  a  large  sugar  planter  as 
well  as  a  cotton  planter,  and  at  his  death  was  regarded 
as  the  wealthiest  man  in  the  Southern  States.  He  was 
fond  of  blooded  horses  and  the  turf,  and  it  is  said  would 
bet  largely  on  the  race  ground. 

Colonel  Wade  Hampton,  the  subject  of  this  sketch  or 
reminiscence,  was  the  only  surviving  son  of  General 
Wade  Hampton,  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  father  of 
the  present  distinguished  Lieutenant  General  Wade 
Hampton,  of  the  Confederate  Army,  than  whorii  there  is 
no  living  Carolinian  more  loved  and  respected  by  the 
people  for  his  virtues,  talent  and  patriotic  services. 
Colonel  Wade  Hampton  was  a;  volunteer  aid  of  General 


univet.  ;v, 
WAD1C  HAMPTHk*/FOR^ 

Andrew  Jackson  in  the  celebrated  battle^R^^F^fTeans, 
so  glorious  in  its  result.  I  never  saw  Colonel  Wade 
Hampton  till  I  went  to  Columbia  to  read  law  in  the 
office  of  Colonel  James  Gregg.  He  was  then  a  State 
Senator,  having  beaten  Governor  Taylor  in  the  preced- 
ing-election. The  contest  w.js  a  most  vigorous  one  on 
both  sides.  Governor  Taylor  had  been  a  member  of  Con- 
gress and  United  States  Senator.  He  was  a  gentleman 
of  large  fortune  and  most  extensive  family  connections 
in  the  town  of  Columbia  and  the  District  of  Richland. 
The  Hamptons  and  Taylors  were  the  two  first  families 
in  that  section  of  the  State,  and  both  very  popular  as 
well  as  very  wealthy,  and  influential.  There  was  a  good 
deal  of  family  pride  enlisted  in  the  contest,  and  every 
effort  was  made  on  both  sides  to  carry  the  election.  I 
remember  hearing  Colonel  David  Y.  McCord  say  that 
there  was  a  fine  cavalry  company  in  Columbia,  at  that 
time,  which  was  likely  to  exercise  a  controlling  power 
in  the  canvass.  He  and  other  friends  of  Colonel  Wade 
Hampton  proposed  that  the  old  General  Wade  Hamp- 
ton, the  father,  should  join  this  company  before  elec- 
tion, for  political  effect.  It  was  suggested  to  the  Gene- 
ral and  he  assented  to  it.  His  name  was  proposed,  at 
a  supper  given  the  company,  and  voted  for  unani- 
mously with  great  acclamation.  The  old  General  was 
present,  a  fine  looking  and  venerable  gentleman.  This 
manoeuver  and  his  presence  secured  the  vote  of  the  com- 
pany for  his  son. 

I  have  heard  an  amusing  anecdote  told  of  General 
Hampton's  spirit  and  pluck  in  his  extreme  old  age. 
There  was  a  great  case  in  court,  for  several  years  be- 
tween him  and  Governor  Taylor  about  a  mill  dam. 
The  Governor  sued  the  General  for  overflowing  his  lands 
above  the  mill,  and  succeeded  finally  in  the  case.  This 
provoked  the  old  General  very  much,  who  was  very  pas- 
sionate and  high-tempered.  He  fell  out  with  Governor 
Taylor's  lawyers,  Colonel  W.  C.  Preston  and  Mr.  Stark. 


110  Wade  Hampton. 

He  vowed  that  he  would  hold  them  responsible  per- 
sonally for  the  lawsuit.  With  this  determination  he 
called  at  Colonel  Preston's  house  and  told  him  what  he 
intended  to  do.  The  Colonel,  who  treated  the  call  of 
the  General,  then  seventy  or  eighty  years  old,  as  a  joke, 
told  him  he  was  not  the  lawyer  on  record,  did  not  bring 
the  suit,  and  was  only  employed  as  assistant  counsel, 
and  etiquette  required  the  General  to  challenge.  Mr. 
Stark,  who  was  the  attorney  of  record,  had  brought  the 
suit,  and  was  about  his,  the  General's,  own  age.  This 
excited  the  old  gentleman  very  much,  and  he  withdrew 
by  saying:  "I  beg  pardon,  Colonel,  I  discover  you  are 
troubled  with  an  infirmity."  Judge  Butler,  who  told 
me  this  incident,  entered  Colonel  Preston's  house  just 
as  the  General  was  retiring  sorely  discomfited. 

Colonel  Wade  Hampton  was  strongly  solicited  to  run 
for  Governor  after  his  election  to  the  Senate,  and  could 
have  been  elected  very  easily,  but  he  positively  refused. 
In  after  years,  he  was  solicited  time  and  again  to  be- 
come a  candidate  for  the  Executive  chair,  but  he  would 
never  consent  to  have  his  name  used  for  that  purpose. 
He  preferred  making  governors  to  being  one  himself. 
For  more  than  twenty  years  he  was  the  great  Warwick 
of  South  Carolina,  and  took  an  active  part  in  theguber- 
natorial  elections.  Seldom  did  any  one  succeed  to  the 
chief  magistracy  of  the  State  without  his  support.  When 
Governor  Aiken  was  elected,  Colonel  Hampton  was  very 
active  in  the  canvass,  and  after  the  election  was  over, 
he  gave  the  most  elegant  and  magnificent  entertain- 
ment that  I  ever  witnessed  anywhere.  He  then  lived  at 
"Millwood,"  about  four  miles  from  Columbia.  The 
company  was  invited  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening. 
When  we  reached  the  avenue  leading  from  the  public 
road  to  his  house,  we  saw  on  both  sides  of  it,  huge 
lighted  torches  of  pine,  making  the  road  as  bright  as  if 
it  were  mid-day.  The  supper  was  most  luxurious  and 
very  handsomely  decorated.    The  ladies  were  all  young 


Wade  Hampton.  Ill 

and  beautiful,  and  dressed  with  a  taste  arid  elegance 
which  I  never  saw  surpassed  in  Washington,  New  York 
or  Boston.  It  was  a  very  large  assemblage  of  ladies 
and  gentlemen. 

But  Colonel  Hampton  was  distinguished  for  his  fre- 
quent and  magnificent  entertainments,  and  especially 
during  the  sitting  of  the  Legislature.  At  all  times, 
however,  his  house  was  full  of  company,  and  he  de- 
lighted in  the  companionship  of  his  friends.  He  pos- 
sessed a  princely  fortune,  and  he  spent  his  income  with 
the  munificence  and  liberality  of  a  prince.  He  was  not 
only  unbounded  in  his  hospitality,  but  open  handed  in 
all  public  improvements  and  charitable  purposes.  On 
one  occasion  there  was  a  fair  in  Columbia  for  some 
charitable  or  benevolent  purpose,  and  a  supper  was  a 
part  of  the  entertainment.  Colonel  Hampton  and  his 
daughters  were  behind  the  tables  waiting  on  the  com- 
pany. General  Thompson,  addressing  the  Colonel  said: 
11  Well,  Hampton,  I  always  knew  that  you  kept  a  public 
house,  but  I  never  knew  you  to  charge  before." 

Colonel  Hampton,  like  his  father,  was  fond  of  fine 
horses  and  blooded  stock.  He  resembled  the  old 
General  in  another  respect,  for  he  was  a.  great  lover  of 
the  turf.  He  made  a  great  many  importations  of 
blooded  horses,  and  fine  cattle,  sheep,  &c.  No  one  did 
more  to  improve  our  breed  of  horses,  cattle,  sheep,  &c, 
than  Colonel  Hampton.  He  was  also  a  dear  lover  of 
the  chase,  and  took  great  delight  in  hunting  deer,  whilst 
summering  in  the  mountains  of  North  Carolina.  He 
purchased  a  farm  in  Cashier  Valley,  Jackson  County, 
N.  C,  where  he  and  his  family  spent  several  summers. 
There  is  not  a  more  delicious  climate  in  the  world  for 
three  months  of  the  year  than  Cashier  Valley.  1 
was  there  whilst  Colonel  Hampton  and  Colonel  John  S. 
Preston  and  their  families  resided  there.  Colonel  Hamp- 
ton had  killed,  just  before  I  reached  there,  the  largest 
buck  I  ever  heard  of,  and  he  was  proud  of  his  feat.  Colo- 


112  Wade  Hampton. 

nel  Hampton  was  a  high-toned  and  most  honorable 
gentleman,  liberal,  generous  and  devoted  to  his  friends. 
His  manners  were  cordial,  frank  and  open.  When  the  Rev. 
Robert  H.Reid  graduated  in  the  South  Carolina  College, 
he  made  a  most  favorable  impression  on  the  trustees 
and  others,  who  heard  his  graduating  speech.  Colonel 
Hampton  understood  that  he  was  going  to  prepare 
himself  for  the  ministry,  and  was  in  humble  circum- 
stances. The  Colonel  also  understood  that  Judge 
Whitner  was  a  neighbor  and  friend  of  young  Reid's. 
He  came  to  where  the  Judge  and  myself  were  standing, 
and  said  in  a  loud  voice:  "  Whitner,  your  young  friend 
Reid  has  too  much  talent  to  be  spoiled  in  making  a 
preacher  out  of  him.  Let  him  travel  in  Europe,  and 
attend  some  of  the  universities  there  two  or  three  years, 
and  then  study  law.  He  shall  have  the  funds  necessary 
to  defray  all  expenses." 

For  many  years,  Colonel  Hampton  was  one  of  the 
trustees  of  the  South  Carolina  College.  We  served  to- 
gether on  that  board  for  fifteen  or  twenty  years.  But 
the  Colonel  seldom  addressed  the  board,  which  was 
composed  of  the  Governor,  Chancellors,  Law  Judges 
and  twenty  members  elected  by  the  Legislature.  Al- 
though Colonel  Hampton  was  no  public  speaker,  he 
conversed  well,  and  was  pleasant  and  agreeable  in 
conversation.  He  was  emphatically  a  practical  man, 
and  a  wise  man  in  all  the  ordinary  affairs  of  life. 
There  was  a  difficulty  between  Colonel  Preston  Brooks 
and  Mr.  English  referred  to  Colonel  Hampton  and 
myself  to  settle.  Some  one  enquired  if  the  parties  were 
not  bound  to  accept  our  decision,  no  matter  what  it 
might  be.  *'No,"  said  Hampton,  "if  dishonorable 
terms  are  imposed,  the  parties  are  not  bound  to  abide 
by  our  decision." 

The  grandfather  of  Colonel  Hampton,  and  father  of 
General  Wade  Hampton,  of  the  Revolution,  moved 
with  his  family  from  North   Carolina  or  Virginia  to  the 


Wade  Hampton.  113 

upper  part  of  Spartanburg  district,  near  the  Greenville 
line,  and  settled  on  the  Tyger  River,  about  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Revolutionary  war.  The  old  gentle- 
man, Anthony  Hampton,  his  wife,  son  Preston  and 
grandson,  Harrison,  were  all  massacred  by  the  Indians. 
Another  son,  Edward  Hamilton,  who  had  married  the 
daughter  of  Colonel  Baylis  Earle,  living  near  the  upper 
part  of  Greenville,  was  killed  by  the  tories  whilst  sitting 
at  his  dinner  table.  Many  years  since,  I  wrote  an  arti- 
cle in  my  Revolutionary  incidents,  on  "the  Hampton 
family,"  and  mentioned  all  these  facts  with  some  par- 
ticularity. Colonel  Wade  Hampton  continued  the  his- 
tory of  the  Hampton  family,  and  mentioned  several 
other  sons  of  Anthony  Hampton,  who  survived  the  Revo- 
lution, and  lived  in  the  middle  part  of  South  Carolina. 
But  none  of  them  accumulated  fortunes  as  the  General 
did. 

Colonel  Wade  Hampton  died  just  before  our  civil  war, 
leaving  a  princely  estate,  which  was  all  lost  to  his  chil- 
dren during  thecivil  strife.  His  beautiful  residence,  near 
Columbia,  was  wantonly  burned  by  Sherman's  army, 
as  was  also  his  son's,  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city.  But 
the  old  family  mansion  in  the  city  of  Columbia,  which 
had  been  the  residence  of  old  General  Wade  Hampton 
for  many  years,  was  by  some  means  spared  in  the  con- 
flagration. When  Henry  Clay  visited  South  Carolina, 
Colonel  Wade  Hampton  occupied  this  superb  house  for 
the  purpose  of  entertaining  the  illustrious  Kentuckian, 
who  was  his  friend  personally  and  politically.  All  who 
knew  Colonel  Wade  Hampton  admired  and  loved  him 
for  sterling  integrity,  high-toned  honor,  great  liberal- 
ity and  cordial,  frank  manners,  as  well  as  for  his  cour- 
age, patriotism  and  wisdom. 


AMES  EDWARD  HENRY. 


P;  OR  MANY  years  Major  Henry  was  a  distinguished 
leading  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
oT  South  Carolina,  from  the  District  of  Spartanburg. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  members  of  the  Bar 
on  the  Western  Circuit,  and  possessed  a  most  lucrative 
practice.  He  was  a  man  of  rare  talents  and  genius, 
self-made  and  self-educated.  As  a  writer  of  fiction  he 
gave  unmistakable  evidence  of  his  talents  and  ability  in 
" The  Tales  of  the Packolett" and" Myra Cunningham. " 
His  great  success  at  the  bar  showed  his  legal  attain- 
ments and  devotion  to  his  profession.  But  he  was  at 
the  same  time  fond  of  polite  literature,  and  sometimes 
even  courted  the  Muses. 

In  "The  Bench  and  Bar  of  South  Carolina,"  by  Judge 
O'Neall,  there  is  a  long  biographical  sketch  of  Major 
Henry,  written  partly  by  the  Chief  Justice  and  in  part 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Landrum.  He  was  born  in  Providence, 
Rhode  Island,  in  the  year  1776.  His  father,  who  was 
captain  of  a  merchant  vessel,  was  killed  whilst  James 
Edward  was  a  lad.  Left  an  orphan  and  poor  he  entered 
a  cotton  factory,  where  he  remained  several  years,  and 
then  came  to  Spartanburg,  South  Carolina,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  engaging  in  the  "Weaver  Factory."  But  he  was 
prevailed  upon  to  take  charge  of  a  school  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  factory,  where  he  remained  for  several 
years,  and  then  commenced  the  study  of  law  under 
William  Hunt,  Esquire.  He  was  admitted  to  the  Bar 
in  1821  and  formed  a  partnership  with  Colonel  Patillo 
Farrow.  When  I  first  became  acquainted  with  Major- 
Henry  he  was  practicing  law  at  Spartanburg,  in  part- 
nership with  Judge  Earle,  and  I  know  the  Judge  had  a 
very  high  opinion  of  him  as  a  lawyer  and  a  gentleman. 


James  Edward  Henry.  115 

As  a  boon  companion  Major  Henry  had  few  equals. 
He  was  always  in  irood  spirits,  full  of  wit  and  humor, 
talked  well,  and  was  most  cordial  in  his  manners.  He 
was  fond  of  a  joke,  told  an  anecdote  well,  and  always 
most  happy  at  repartee.  Whilst  a,  member  of  the  Leg- 
islature he  and  Governor  Adams  and  two  orthree  other 
members  were  run  by  their  friends  for  Speaker  of  the 
House.  That  evening;  he  and  Governor  Adams  and  one 
or  two  others  of  the  defeated  aspirants  to  the  Speaker's 
Chair  were  enjoying  themselves  at  the  hotel,  when  some 
one  proposed  to  the  defeated  gentlemen  to  make  the 
speeches  which  they  had,  no  doubt,  prepared  in  case 
they  were  elected.  They  all  declined,  when  Major  Henry 
said  he  knew  what  each  one  would  have  said,  and  would,. 
for  the  gratification  of  the  company,  rehearse  their  sev- 
eral speeches,  together  with  his  own.  Thereupon,  he 
commenced  with  the  speech  of  Governor  Adams,  who 
was  then  General  of  Cavalry,  and  had  been  an  old  line 
Whig-.  In  succession  he  made  a  speech  for  each  one  of 
the  oth^r  candidates,  and  concluded  with  his  own.  They 
were  inimitable  specimens  of  his  wit  and  humor,  and 
never  did  a  company  of  gentlemen  enjoy  an  exhortation 
with  more  rapturous  glee. 

In  th'e  argument  of  a  crim.  con.  case  at  Spartanburg, 
Major  Henry  took  occasion,  most  wittily  and  humor- 
ously, to  allude  to  Potiphar's  wife.  The  senior  counsel 
on  the  other  side,  who  was  taking  notes  of  the  Major's 
argument,  and  not  being  well  versed  in  Biblical  history, 
enquired  of  his  junior  sitting  by  him  :  "Where  that  case 
of  Potifers  wife  was  reported!"  The  junior  counsel, 
who  was  fresh  from  his  classics,  said  "  he  thought  hehad 
read  it  in  the  Greek  Testament!"  The  enquiry  and 
answer  were  overheard  by  other  members  of  the  Bar, 
and  produced  a  burst  of  laughter.  This  gave  the  Major 
an  opportunity  of  continuing  his  humorous  remarks,  to 
the  great  amusement  of  the  court  and  spectators. 

In  the  latter  part  of  his  life  Major  Henry  joined  the 


116  James  Edward  Henry. 

Methodist  Church,  and  became  sincerely  pious.  Hetold 
me  he  found  it  hard  to  break  himself  of  the  bad  habit 
he  had  contracted  of  cursing  under  sudden  impulse  and 
excitement.  Shortly  after  he  joined  the  Church  he 
hoisted  a  window  to  look  out,  when  the  sash  fell  on  his 
head.  He  involuntarily  exclaimed:  kk  Damn  the  window /' 
Judge  Earle  told  me  that  he  returned  from  Columbia  in 
the  stage  with  Major  Henry  and  his  partner,  Major 
Dearie,  some  time  after  they  had  both  attached  them- 
selves to  the  Church.  Henry  enquired  of  Deane  if  he  had 
lost  none  of  his  piety  in  Columbia,  and  whether  he  was 
as  zealous  in  the  cause  of  religion  as  he  was  before  he 
left  home.  Major  Deane  replied  that  he  had  experienced 
no  change  whatever  in  his  religious  feelings,  and  begged 
to  know  why  the  question  was  asked  him.  Henry  said 
he  himself  did  not  feel  as  much  zeal  in  religion  as  when 
he  left  home;  that  meeting  his  old  friends  in  Columbia, 
and  spending  three  or  four  weeks  with  them,  had,  he 
must  confess,  demoralized  him  very  much,  and  made 
him  neglect  his  religious  duties. 

When  I  first  became  acquainted  with  Major  Henry  he 
had  just  been  defeated  for  the  Legislature,  and  in  speak- 
ing of  the  canvass,  he  said  he  was  most  unfortunate  in 
meeting  two  of  the  most  serious  charges  that  were 
brought  against  him,  and  which  defeated  his  election. 
I  enquired  how  that  was.  He  replied  that  both  of  the 
charges  were  true,  and  he  could  not  deny  either  of  them 
in  his  public  speeches !  This  somewhat  excited  my  curi- 
osity, and  I  begged  to  know  what  these  accusations 
were.  He  said  they  accused  him  of  being  a  lawyer! 
which  was  true,  and  they  charged  him  with  being  a 
Yankee  !  and  that  also  was  the  truth ! 

In  the  Legislature,  every  session,  Major  Henry  would 
submit  a  string  of  resolutions,  to  be  referred  to  the 
different  committees,  to  enquire  and  report  as  to  the 
expediency  of  legislating  on  the  various  matters  referred. 
These  resolutions  generally  embodied  a  good  deal  of 


James  Edward  Henry.  117 

popular  sentiment  expressed  during-  the  canvass.  Some 
of  the  Major's  friends  said  to  him  that  he  had  introduced 
his  resolutions  for  Buncombe,  and  if  they  should  be 
favorably  reported  on  he  would  have  to  vote  against 
them  himself.  "  No,"  said  he,  "  not  all  of  them — I  think 
I  could  vote  for  one-half  of  them  at  least." 

T  had,  through  life,  a  very  strong  and  sincere  friend- 
ship for  Major  Henry,  and  deeply  regretted  that  habit 
of  intemperance,  which  carried  him  to  an  untimely  grave, 
and  which  was  contracted  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life 
by  his  cordiality,  sociability  arid  love  of  friends  and 
company.  He  once  said  to  me  that  no  one  was  in 
danger  of  being  a  drunkard  if  he  only  drank  when  he 
wanted  to  drink.  But  men  got  in  the  habit  of  drinking 
by  association  and  companionship.  It  struck  me  that 
there  was  a,  great  deal  of  truth  and  philosophy  in  the 
remark.  How  often  do  gentlemen  take  a  drink  out  of 
politeness,  or  through  sociability,  when  they  have  no 
desire  to  do  so  whatever?  In  this  way  an  artificial 
thirst  arid  love  for  spirits  is  created,  which  ends  in 
habitual  drunkenness.  I  once  heard  a  refined  and  pol- 
ished gentleman  say  that  the  fashionable  etiquette  of 
asking  another,  at  the  dinner  table,  to  take  a  glass  of 
wine  with  him  was  as  absurd  as  it  would  be  to  ask  him 
to  take  salt  with  him  ! 

Major  Henry  was  appointed  one  of  Chief  Justice 
O'Neall's  aides  when  he  was  elected  Major-General.  He 
soon  resigned  his  commission,  (says  his  Chief,  in  the 
biographical  sketch  already  alluded  to),  and  frankly 
confessed  that  he  had  no  military  talent  at  all.  I  once 
heard  the  Major  make  this  acknowledgment  in  the  Leg- 
islature. Hewasaddressingthe  house  on  some  military 
bill,  and  apologized  by  saying  that  he  professed  no  mil- 
itary genius,  pride  or  ambition  in  that  line.  He  had 
never  aspired  even  to  be  a  Governor's  aide!  This  was 
said   immediatelv  after  His    Excellencv,  for  the    time 


118     •    James  Edward  Henry. 

being,  had  appointed  fifteen  or  twenty  members  of  the 
House  on  his  staff. 

The  death  of  Major  Henry  was  a  sad  affliction  to  his 
friends  and  family.  It  was  also  a  great  loss  to  his 
adopted  District  and  State.  He  was  indeed,  as  the  Chief 
Justice  said  in  his  Bench  and  Bar,  "the  child  of  genius." 
He  had  given  reputation  to  the  Spartanburg  Bar,  and 
position  and  influence  to  the  District  in  the  Legislature. 
He  was  the  great  advocate  of  manufactures  in  Spartan- 
burg, and  injured  his  fortune  seriously  by  it.  His  loss 
by  the  Bivingsville  Factory  was  very  large. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  first  court  at  Spartanburg  after 
the  death  of  Major  Henry,  1  was  requested  to  draft  suit- 
able resolutions  by  a  meeting  of  the  Bar,  and  present 
them  to  the  court.  In  doing  so,  and  addressing  His 
Honor  Judge  Withers,  I  was  affected  to  tears.  In 
alluding  to  it  at  Laurens  court  the  next  week,  Judge 
Withers  said  it  was  all  over  now,  and  Henry  had  passed 
out  of  our  minds.  I  replied  to  him  that,  so  far  as  I  was 
concerned,  it  was  a  great  mistake.  Major  Henry  had 
been  almost  constantly  in  my  mind  ever  since,  and  that 
I  never  could  cease  to  remember  and  regret  him;  that 
the  early  friends  of  youth  were  far  more  endeared  to  us 
than  those  of  later  life.  Henry  was  indeed  a,  most  lova- 
ble man,  warm-hearted,  generous,  disinterested,  and 
public  spirited.  His  courage  was  as  true  as  steel,  and 
his  firmness  unconquerable.  But  he  was  as  bitter  an 
enemy  as  he  was  confiding  in  friendship.  In  his  early 
struggles  through  poverty  and  obscurity  there  was  a 
family  influence  which  attempted  to  crush  him.  He  said 
to  me  once  that  the  bare  thought  of  the  possibility  of 
his  blood  being  mingled  with  that  of  this  family  in 
future  ages  rendered  him  unhappy.  But  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Landrum  states,  in  his  sketch  of  Major  Henry,  that 
whilst  on  his  death-bed,  he  sent  for  him,  and  requested 
him  to  say  in  the  pulpit  that  he  forgave  all  his  enemies, 
and  died  a  sincere  believer  in  Jesus  Christ,  his  Saviour. 


SAM  HOUSTON 


I 


WAS  introduced  to  General  Houston  at  one  of  Presi- 
dent Polk's  levees.  His  colleague  at  that  time  in 
the  Senate  was  General  Rusk,  an  old  acquaintance  of 
mine.  We  were  brought  up  in  the  same  District, 
Pickens,  though  I  believe  he  was  born  in  Newberry. 
His  father  was  still  living  in  Pickens,  long  after  the  Gen- 
eral became  distinguished.  He  was  a  stone  mason,  and 
very  poor.  General  Houston  was  a,  fine  looking  man, 
tall,  well  proportioned,  and  he  prided  himself  very  much 
on  his  personal  appearance.  He  affected  great  suavity 
in  mode,  and  always  had  something  ridiculous  in  his 
dress.  When  I  saw  him  in  Washington,  he  wore  an  ex- 
tremely large  brimmed  hat,  which  attracted  great 
notice,  and  was  doubtless  worn  for  that  purpose.  The 
winter  preceding,  he  had  worn  a  huge,  flashy  Mexican 
blanket.  In  one  of  my  letters  from  Washington,  pub- 
lished in  the  newspapers,  I  designated  him  as  "the 
great  humbug."  'When  I  started  the  Southern  Patriot, 
a,  number  of  plates  of  distinguished  men  were  procured 
in  New  York,  and  one  was  placed  in  each  number  of  the 
paper.  Amongst  them,  there  was  one  of  General  Sam 
Houston.  He  was,  at  that  time,  trying  to  have  him- 
self brought  forward  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 
He  wrote  me  a  long  letter,  and  sent  me  in  advance,  two 
or  three  years  subscription  to  the  Patriot.  I  continued 
to  send  him  the  paper  till  the  Know  Noting  movement 
sprung  up.  He  had  hopes  of  being  the  Know  Nothing 
candidate  for  President,  and  wrote  me  a  letter  discon- 
tinuing his  paper  in  consequence  of  its  opposition  to 
the  Know  Nothing  movement. 

The  life  of  General  Houston  was,  in  many  respects,  a 
most  remarkable  one.  He  rendered  gallant  services  in 
the  Creek  Indian   war,  and  was  afterwards  the  pet  of 


120  Sam  Houston. 

General  Jackson.  After  serving  several  years  in  Con- 
gress, he  was  elected  Governor  of  the  State  of  Tennessee. 
Whilst  Governor,  he  was  married  the  first  time,  and 
soon  afterwards  separated  from  his  wife,  resigned  his 
office  as  Governor,  and  went  to  reside  with  the  Chero- 
kee Indians.  He  went  clad  as  an  Indian  chief,  and  took 
a  wife  amongst  them.  Then  he  went  to  Texas,  and  was 
the  successful  commander  of  their  forces  in  their  .sepa- 
ration from  Mexico.  He  was  elected  President  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas,  and  after  the  annexation  to  the 
United  States,  he  was  elected  a  Senator.  Whilst  Presi- 
dent of  Texas,  he  married  a  young  lady  in  Alabama,  by 
whom  he  left  a  family.  He  was  Governor  of  the  State 
of  Texas  when  the  Southern  States  seceeded  from  the 
Federal  Union,  and  he  did  all  he  could  to  stay  the  revo- 
lution and  keep  Texas  in  the  Union.  But  after  his  State 
seceeded,  he  cast  his  fortune  with  her,  and  determined  to 
share  her  destiny.     He  did  not  long  survive,  however. 

General  Houston  was  a  great  man  on  the  stump,  and 
he  spoke  well.  His  style  was  declamatory,  and  he  gen- 
erally carried  the  crowd  with  him.  The  secession  feel- 
ing in  Texas  was  very  strong.  And  General  Houston 
lost  control  of  the  State,  in  consequence  of  his  Union 
principles.  I  think,  too,  that  the  State  rather  deposed 
him,  or,  at  least,  treated  with  contempt  his  acts  as 
Governor,  and  called  a  convention  in  spite  of  his  edicts. 
His  name  ought  to  be  dear  to  Texas,  and  his  memory 
respected  by  her  people.  It  does  not  occur  to  me,  now, 
that  there  is  a  more  remarkable  battle  on  record,  than 
that  of  San  Jacinto,  in  which  Houston  destroyed  the 
Mexican  army,  with  a  handful  of  followers;  captured 
their  President,  and  gained  the  independence  of  the  Re- 
public. The  disparity  between  the  forces  of  the  two 
armies  was  very  great  in  point  of  numbers.  There  was 
a  large  number  killed  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans, 
whilst  the  Tpxans  lost  scarcely  any. 


WINFIELD  SCOTT 


f?y  N  BEING  introducer]  to  General  Scott,  he  enquired 
JJ:  in  what  part  of  South  Carolina  I  resided,  and 
being  told  Greenville,  he  replied  that  he  once  spent  sev- 
eral months  there.  I  thought  unpleasant  reminiscences 
were  recalled  to  his  mind.  Before  the  war  of  1812,  Gen- 
eral Scott  came  to  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  and  made 
application  for  admission  to  the  Bar.  His  application 
was  rejected  on  the  ground  that  he  had  not  been  two 
.years  a  citizen  of  the  State.  He  then  came  to  Greenville 
with  Chancellor  Thompson,  and  spent  several  months 
with  him.  During  that  time,  Scott  and  Colonel  Toney 
were  gambling,  and  when  he  left  Greenville,  he  gave  his 
note  to  the  Colonel  for  a  considerable  sum  of  money, 
which,  I  have  heard,  was  paid  after  Scott  had  become  a 
Brigadier-General  in  the  United  States  army. 

General  Scott  had  a  most  commanding  and  striking 
person,  towering  above  all  others,  well  proportioned, 
and,  in  full  uniform,  looked  the  god  of  war.  He  must 
have  been  six  feet  six  inches  in  height.  I  am  six  feet  two 
and  a  half  inches,  and  found  it  unpleasant  looking  up 
to  him,  whilst  standing  and  conversing.  In  1852,  I  met 
him  again  at  President  Fillmore's  levee,  and  his  height 
was  remarkable  in  contrast  with  the  dense  mass  of 
human  beings  around  him.  He  was  head  and  shoulders 
above  them  all. 

It  is  well  known  that  General  Scott  was  a  native  of 
Virginia,  and  during  the  recent  war,  took  sides  against 
his  native  State  and  section.  This  brought  him  into 
great  odium  with  the  Southern  people.  I  have  no  doubt 
the  decision  was  a  most  painful  one  for  General  Scott  to 
make  between  the  national  flag,  which  heloved  so  dearly 
and  had  borne  so  gloriously  through  life,  and  his  old 
native  commonwealth,  which  he  loved  and   honored  as 


122  Winfield  Scott. 

an  honored  son.  It  is  well  known  that  he  was  greatly 
troubled  in  making  up  his  decision,  and  for  a  long-  time 
it  was  doubtful  which  side  he  would  take.  But  he  was 
under  the  influence  of  national  counsellors  and  advisers, 
and  his  judgment  did  not  approve  the  action  of  Virginia 
and  the  other  Southern  States. 

General  Scott  was  a  man  of  great  personal  vanity  and 
ambition.  He  once  said  to  General  Waddy  Thompson, 
whilst  they  were  standing  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  that  he  would  never  die  satisfied  till  he  had  made 
a  speech  in  that  chamber  as  United  States  Senator. 
Thompson  jestingly  replied:  "  You  might  never  be  satis- 
fied afterwards,  General."  He  was  a  man  of  great  pre- 
cision and  exactness  in  conversation. 


>o>£*E> 


AMES  H.  1RBY 


OJOLONEL  IRBY  was  a  native  of  Laurens  District, 
and  the  descendant  of  a  gallant  Whig  of  the 
American  Revolution.  His  whole  family  fought  and 
suffered  in  the  cause  of  our  independence,  and  the 
Colonel  was  as  true  a  patriot  as  any  of  his  revolutionary 
ancestors.  For  many  years  he  served  his  native  district 
in  both  branches  of  the  State  Legislature  with  great 
ability  and  distinction.  He  was  once  elected  Lieutenant 
Governor  of  the  State,  and  afterwards  came  within  one 
vote  of  being  elected  Governor  by  the  Legislature.  He 
was  a  graduate  of  the  South  Carolina  College,  read  law, 
and  became  one  of  the  most  successful  lawyers  in  the 
upper  part  of  the  State.  He  died,  leaving  an  estate 
worth  four  hundred  thousand  dollars!  Without  being 
a  learned  lawyer,  he  was  an  able  and  successful  practi- 
tioner. By  nature  he  was  a  great  man,  and  endowed 
with  uncommon  practical  good  sense.  He  was  a  fine 
looking  man,  tall,  well  proportioned,  and  had  a  noble 
head,  phrenologically  well  developed.  There,  was  no 
lawyer  at  the  Bar  who  saw  more  quickly  the  strong 
points  of  his  case,  who  comprehended  them  better,  or 
who  was  more  able  to  present  them  to  the  court  and 
jury,  advantageously  for  his  client.  He  always  argued 
his  cases  with  great  force  and  ability,  and  generally  cited 
authority  to  sustain  his  legal  positions.  But,  perhaps, 
no  lawyer  on  the  circuit  read  less  than  Colonel  Irby, 
either  of  law,  or  general  literature.  All  of  his  greatness, 
he  owed  to  nature.  Had  he  been  a  hard  student  and 
cultivated  the  great  powers  of  his  intellect,  he  would 
have  been  a  great  man  indeed.  There  was  no  one  who 
understood  and  possessed  a  better  or  truer  knowledge 
of  human  nature.    He  once  said   to   me  that   "he  un- 


124  James  H.  Ikby. 

derstood  mankind  as  well  as  if  he  had  made  them  I" 
Rarely,  if  ever,  was  he  deceived  or  imposed  upon,  in  the 
business  transactions  of  the  world.  Though  a  bold, 
brave,  frank  and  impulsive  man,  he  was  nevertheless,  in 
an  eminent  degree,  cautious  and  politic  in  all  his  actions. 

I  was  on  terms  of  great  intimacy  with  Colonel  Irby, 
from  our  first  acquaintance  up  to  his  death,  which  was 
more  than  thirty  years.  I  had  for  him  during  all  that 
time  a  very  high  regard,  and  a  most  sincere  friendship. 
I  attended  a,  meeting  of  the  Bar  at  Laurens  on  the  oc- 
casion of  his  death,  and  expressed  fully  to  the  court  my 
high  appreciation  of  the  man.  On  the  circuit,  and  in 
Columbia,  we  spent  a  good  deal  of  our  time  together, 
arid  always  most  pleasantly.  I  have  treasured  up  a 
great  many  amusing  incidents  of  the  Colonel,  and  in 
detailing  a  few  of  them,  I  have  no  purpose  of  detracting 
from  the  high  and  noble  traits  of  his  head  and  heart. 
It  is  said  that  in  describing  a  man,  very  often  an  anec- 
dote will  give  you  a  better  insight  of  his  character  and 
mind,  than  an  attempted  elaborate  portraiture. 

Shortly  after  my  admission  to  the  Bar,  1  was  attend- 
ing Laurens  court,  and  took  the  liberty  of  going  into 
the  Colonel's  law  office  to  look  up  some  authorities.  I 
was  completely  amazed,  when  I  looked  at  his  library, 
and  saw  ten  or  fifteen  volumes  of  old  reports  and  elemen- 
tary works,  instead  of  that  large  and  extensive  collection 
which  1  expected  to  see.  1  do  not  think  I  ever  saw  as 
few  law  books  in  any  other  lawyer's  office  before  or  since, 
no  matter  how  young  or  poor  he  was.  Colonel  Irby  was 
at  that  time  a  gentleman  of  large  fortune,  and  a  full 
practice,  with  troops  of  clients.  But  the  Colonel  had 
very  little  use  for  books,  as  he  read  precious  little  of  any- 
thing. In  the  trial  of  a  case  of  slander  at  Laurens,  Colo- 
nel Irby  was  for  the  plaintiff.  Wistar  Simpson  handed  the 
Colonel  a  paper  on  which  was  written  a  quotation  from 
Shakespeare,  prefaced  with  the  words:  "  Verily,  verily, 
I  say  unto  thee,  he  who  steals  my  purse,  steals  trash. 


James  H.  Irby.  125 

but,  he  who  filches  from  me  my  good  name,  robs  me  of 
that  which  not  enriches  him  and  makes  me  poorlndeed." 

Simpson  told  him  it  was  a  quotation  from  the  Bible. 
Irby  asked  the  Clerk  for  the  Bible,  on  which  he  had  been 
swearing  witnesses,  and  holding  it  up,  said:  "Gentle- 
men of  the  jury,  I  have  something  in  this  good  book, 
which  bsarsonthis  case,"  and  real  the  paper  which  had 
been  handed  to  him.  This  produced  a  hearty  laugh, 
and  a  member  of  the  Bar  said  to  him:  "That's  from 
Shakespeare  and  not  the  Bible."  "  What  the  devil  then 
are  the  words  *  verily,  verily,  I  say  unto  thee,'  doing  in 
it."  said  the  Colonel!  There  was  a  Baptist  preacher 
foreman  of  the  jury,  which  was  trying  the  case.  When 
Judge  O'Neall,  who  was  also  a,  member  of  the  Baptist 
Church,  met  Irby  in  Columbia  in  the  Court  of  Appeals, 
he  said  to  him:  "I  understand,  Irby,  you  have  been 
quoting  scripture  in  a  slandercaseat  Laurens."  "Yes," 
said  Irby  "and  there  was  a  Baptist  clergyman,  foreman 
of  the  jury,  who  searched  the  Bible  through,  after  he 
went  home,  trying  to  find  the  quotation." 

Colonel  Irby  and  myself  were  going  to  Columbia  to 
attend  the  sitting  of  the  Legislature,  and  expected  to  be 
absent  four  or  five  weeks.  I  said  to  him  after  we  had 
started:  "Irby,  where  is  your  trunk?"  He  took  up  a 
very  small  carpet  bag  out  of  the  foot  of  his  buggy  and 
said:  "This  contains  all  the  wardrobe  I  ever  travel 
with — a  clean  shirt  and  a  pocket  handkerchief."  "  But" 
said  I,  "have  you  no  stockings?"  "No,"  was  his  reply, 
"it  is  cheaper  to  buy  them  than  to  have  them  washed." 
We  once  went  to  Charleston  together,  whilst  he  was 
President  of  the  Laurens  Railroad  Company.  Hecarried 
with  him  fifteen  or  sixteen  thousand  dollars.  We  stopped 
at  the  Mills  House,  and  in  the  morning  I  enquired 
at  the  office  if  the  Colonel  had  come  out  of  his  room? 
Nickerson,  the  hotel  keeper,  said  :  "  Have  you  not  heard 
what  happened  last  night?  Your  friend,  Colonel  Irby, 
on  going  to  bed  blew  out  the  gas,  arid  neglected  to  turn 


126  James  H.  Ihby. 

the  screw.  And  became  very  near  suffocating  himself, 
and  blowing  up  the  hotel.  I  discovered  the  gas  in  the 
passage  this  morning  and  ascertained  it  came  from  the 
Colonel's  room.  I  knocked  at  the  door,  but  he  made  no 
reply.  I  called  my  carpenter  and  told  him  to  tear  down 
the  door  expecting  to  find  the  Colonel  dead."  But  the 
carpenter  aroused  him  from  his  stupefied  slumber.  It 
was  still  dark,  and  Irby  thought  he  was  a  robber  after 
his  money.  I  immediately  went  to  the  Colonel's  room, 
and  found  him  in  a  sad  condition.  He  had,  however, 
woke  up  in  the  night,  and  raised  one  of  the  windows. 
This  saved  his  life,  and  perhaps  the  hotel  with  all  its 
boarders. 

Colonel  Irby  and  General  Thompson  had  been  partners 
in  the  practice  of  law,  and  were  about  the  same  age. 
When  Irbv  was  about  to  marry  Thompson's  niece,  the 
General  said  to  him  he  might  have  her  on  two  condi- 
tions—one was  that  he  must  call  him  "uncle"  and  the 
next  was  that  he  should  lend  him  money  whenever  he 
wanted  it. 

Colonel  Irby  and  Judge  Orr  were  elected  members  of 
the  Southern  Convention  as  eo-operationists,  opposed 
to  separate  State  action,  or  secession.  It  was  in  this 
canvass  that  Judge  Orr's  "  little  bull  story  "was  told 
with  so  much  effect  as  illustrating  the  folly  of  South 
Carolina  attempting,  by  herself,  to  break  up  the  Union 
and  whip  the  whole  United  States.  There  was  a  train 
of  cars  passing  through  an  old  field,  where  a  herd  of 
cattle  were  grazing.  There  was  a  little  bull  amongst 
them,  which  saw  the  engine  coming,  puffing  and  blow- 
ing, and  thinking  it  was  some  huge  beast  hunting  for  a 
fight,  the  little  bull  curled  his  tail  up  and  pitched  into 
the  engine!  The  bull  was  killed  and  the  cars  thrown  off 
the  track.  One  of  the  passengers,  a  prudent,  serious, 
sober-sided  old  fellow,  got  out  of  the  cars  to  see  the 
wreck,  and,  after  going  around  the  carcass  of  the  bull, 
said  :  "J  admire  your  pluck,  but  damn  your  judgment!" 


James  H.  Irby.  127 

During  this  canvass,  the  Colonel  and  Judge  Orr  were 
most  admirably  caricatured  by  a  secessionist.  The 
Judge  was  drawn  mounted  on  his  "little  bull,"  and  the 
Colonel  on  a  huge  horse,  both  eroing  at  full  speed. 
Charles  J.  Elford  and  myself,  who  were  editing  the 
Southern  Patriot,  a  Union  paper,  were  seen  in  the 
picture,  looking  earnestly  at  the  riders,  exclaiming:  "We 
shall  catch  them  in  the  Union  ranks  yet  before  the  race  is 
over!"  Colonel  Irby  stops  his  steed  and  says  to  the 
Judge:  "By-God,  Orr,  we  have  got  lost."  The  Judge 
replied:  "No  danger.  This  is  the  way.  Come  on.'" 
The  caricature  was  shown  to  Judge  Orr,  who  examined 
it  closely,  and  observed:  "I  will  give  fifty  dollars  to 
ascertain  who  drew  it!"  The  limner,  who  was  standing- 
present,  good  humoredly  replied:  "Show  your  money. 
Colonel,  and  I  will  tell  you." 

Colonel  Irby  was  a  very  large  and  most  successful 
planter,  as  well  as  a  lawyer.  He  owned  a  large  number 
of  slaves,  and  told  me  that  there  was  not  one  of  them 
as  old  as  himself. 

Colonel  Irby  was  good  natured,  and  took  kindly  all 
jokes  told  on  him.  He  was  also  fond  ol  playing  tricks 
on  others.  An  old,  gray  headed  man  once  brought  him 
a.  sum.  pro.  to  defend.  He  said  he  had  no  defence,  but 
wished  the  case  put  off,  so  that  judgment  would  not  go 
against  him  the  first  court.  The  case  was  issued  by  a 
lawyer  living  in  another  District,  who  knew  nothing  of 
the  defendant,  and  did  not  expect  any  defence  to  the 
case.  When  the  case  was  called  on  the  docket,  Colonel 
Irby  gave  notice  that  he  appeared  for  the  defendant, 
and  pleaded  infancy.  This  took  the  plaintiff's  attorney 
by  surprise,  and  he  asked  the  court  to  continue  the 
case,  so  that  he  might  consult  with  his  client.  The  next 
court,  when  the  plaintiff's  attorney  enquired  of  the  Colo- 
nel about  the  infant,  he  was  shown  an  old  man  about 
seventy,  with  a  head  as  white  as  cotton  ! 

I  saw  the  Colonel  one  dav  in  court  catch  a  witness 


128  James  H.  Irby. 

very  handsomely,  who  was  called  in  to  prove  the  signa- 
ture of  some  writing.  He  said  he  had  seen  the  party 
write  often,  and  the  signature  was  genuine.  Whilst  the 
examination  of  the  witness  was  going  on,  Colonel  Irby 
wrote  the  name  of  the  party  whose  signature  was  in 
dispute  five  times  on  separate  pieces  of  paper.  These  he 
folded  up  very  carefully,  so  that  nothing  could  be  seen 
but  the  signature,  and  presented  them  to  the  witness, 
who  said  they  were  all  genuine  and  in  the  handwriting 
of  the  party!  The  testimony  of  the  witness  was,  of 
course,  worthless,  after  these  mistakes.  It  very  often 
happens  that  a  witness  will  prove  the  signature  of  a 
party  when  he  is  utterly  unable  to  recognize  and  identify 
any  other  writing  of  the  party  to  which  his  name  was 
not  attached. 

Colonel  Irby  was  a  remarkably  iinelookinggentlemam 
tall  and  well  proportioned,  with  as  fine  a  head  as  I  ever 
saw.  If  there  be  any  truth  in  phrenology,  he  was  by 
nature  a  great  man,  and  possessed  a  great  mind. 
Although  a  graduate  of  the  South  Carolina  College, and 
a  most  successful  lawyer,  he  had  never  cultivated  his 
talents  as  he  should  have  done.  His  organ  of  language 
and  his  appreciation  of  the  graces,  were  not  high.  He 
had  been,  all  his  life,  the  associate  of  gentlemen,  but  was 
frequently  at  fault  in  pronouncing  the  King's  English, 
and  in  the  grammatical  construction  of  his  sentences. 

The  following  incident  is  characteristic  of  the  concilia- 
tion and  firmness  of  the  man  :  Colonel  Irby  was  sitting 
with  some  lawyers  after  the  adjournment  of  court  play- 
ing a  game  of  whist.  The  Colonel  made  an  offensive  re- 
mark about  the  testimony  of  one  of  the  surveyors  in  a 
land  case  which  he  had  before  the  court  that  day.  One 
of  the  lawyers  said  to  him  that  the  surveyor  alluded  to 
was  his  uncle.  Colonel  Irby  immediately  apologized 
and  said  that  he  did  not  know  of  the  relationship,  or  he 
would  not  have  made  the  remark.  This  emboldened 
the  lawyer  to  make  further  comment  on  the  remark,  to 


James  H.  Irby.  129 

which  the  Colonel  replied  again  apologetically.  But  the 
more  he  apologized,  the  more  resentful  became  the  law- 
yer. At  length  Colonel  Irby  became  excited,  and  said: 
"  I  have  done  all  I  could  to  appease  you,  and  inasmuch 
as  you  will  not  receive  my  apologies,  I  now  say  your 
uncle  is  a  damned  old  rascal,  and  I  believe  he  swore  a  lie 
in  the  case — help  yourself."  This  seemed  at  once  to 
reconcile  the  indignant  kinsman. 


JOB  JOHNSTON 


GIHANGELLOR  JOHNSTON  was  one  of  our  ablest 
I  and  most  learned  Judges.  He  possessed  a  very 
clear  and  logical  mind,  which  was  highly  cultivated, 
and  his  judicial  opinions  in  the  Court  of  Appeals,  as  well 
as  his  decrees  as  a  Chancellor,  were  always  lucid  and 
able.  In  social  intercourse,  he  was  one  of  the  most 
agreeable  and  pleasant  gentlemen  I  ever  met.  He  was 
affable,  natural  and  simple,  and  always  sociable,  witty 
and  humorous.  There  was  no  assumption  of  dignity, 
or  austerity  of  manner  about  him,  in  his  intercourse 
with  his  friends  and  associates.  But  on  the  Bench,  he 
was  often  irritable  and  captious.  Throughout  the  in- 
vestigation of  a  case,  he  seemed  always  to  be  hunting  up 
difficulties  and  taking  exceptions.  It  was  very  seldom 
an  order  or  paper  was  drawn  to  suit  him  by  the  counsel 
employed  in  a  case.  He  suggested  some  alteration  or 
amendment.  Trivial  mistakes,  which  other  Judges 
would  pass  over,  were  invariably  corrected  by  him,  or  at- 
tention called  to  them.  This  made  him,  often,  unpleas- 
ant on  the  Bench,  and  so  different  from  what  he  was  in 
private  intercourse.  In  drawing  up  short  petitions  and 
orders,  which  other  Chancellors  would  hear  without 
being  copied,  he  invariably  required  a  copy,  and  would 
postpone  the  case  till  a  copy  was  made.  He  was  fond  of 
lecturing  a  lawyer  on  his  mode  of  doing  business,  and 
making  suggestions  of  improvement.  On  one  occasion, 
where  I  had  filed  several  petitions,  instead  of  bills,  he 
said  to  me  it  was  all  wrong,  and  that  I  was  ruining  my 
practice  by  it,  as  the  fees  and  costs  were  much  higher  in 
bills  than  petitions.  I  replied,  that  it  was  easier  to 
draw  a  petition  than  a  bill,  and  as  to  my  fees,  I  would 
take  care  that  they  were  not  diminished. 


Job  Johnston.  131 

Chancellor  Johnston  went  to  Charleston  to  hold  court. 
shortly  after  his  election  to  the  Bench,  and  was  not 
aware  of  the  strictness  with  which  Good  Friday  was 
observed  in  that  old  Episcopal  city.  He  himself  was  a 
great  and  shining-  light  in  the  Presbyterian  Church.  On 
Thursday  evening,  Mr.  Petigru  suggested  that,  as  the 
next  day  was  Good  Friday,  there  would  be  no  court. 
The  Chancellor  replied  very  tartly  that  he  came  to 
Charleston  to  dispatch  the  business  of  the  term,  and 
not  to  participate  in  their  holidays.  Mr.  Petigru  said 
it  had  never  been  customary  to  hold  court  in  the  city 
on  Good  Friday.  The  Chancellor  observed  he  was  not 
bound  by  the  customs  of  the  city  in  holding  court,  and 
should  require  the  officers  of  the  court  to  be  present  the 
next  day.  Thereupon,  Mr.  Petigru  said,  it  was  not  a 
local  custom,  confined  to  the  city  of  Charleston,  and 
that  he  had  never  heard  of  but  one  Judge  (Pontius 
Pilate)  holding  court  on  Good  Friday.  This  nettled 
the  Chancellor,  and  his  order  was  peremptory,  but  the 
next  clay  no  one  was  in  attendance  on  the  court,  and 
through  necessity  the  business  was  adjourned  over. 

Chancellor  Johnston  was  a  native  of  South  Carolina, 
and  I  think  born  in  Chester  District.  He  graduated  in 
the  South  Carolina  College,  and  read  medicine  before  he 
commenced  his  law  studies.  I  have  heard  that  he  did 
not  relish  any  allusion  to  his  medical  studies,  and  once 
knocked  a  fellow  down  for  calling  him  "Doctor."  He 
and  Chief  Justice  CTNeall  were  some  years  partners  in 
the  practice  of  law,  and  I  have  understood  that  they 
did  not  speak  to  each  other  for  some  time  during  their 
partnership.  I  know  that  they  were  not  very  cordial 
in  after  life.  It  was  a  strong  firm,  and  both  lived  at 
Newberry  court  house.  They  were  both  elected  to  the 
Bench  within  a  few  years  of  each  other,  and  were  after- 
wards on  the  Appeal  Bench  together.  I  do  not  think 
Chancellor  Johnston  was  ever  a  member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture.   He  was  elected  to  the  State  Convention  in   1831, 


132  Job  Johnston. 

and  was  a  prominent  member  of  the  Nullification  party. 
But  he  sorely  regretted  the  revolutionary  movement  in 
1860. 

T  have  stated  the  repugnance  the  Chancellor  had  to 
being- called  " Doctor."  He  had  equal  repugnance  to 
his  Christian  name  ''Job,"  and  I  saw  him  erase  it  once 
from  the  Commissioner  in  Equity's  journal  of  the  pro- 
ceedings in  court.  The  officer  in  reading  the  minutes  of 
the  preceding  day's  business,  stated  that  Chancellor  Job 
Johnston  was  presiding*.  There  were  at  that  time  on 
the  Chancery  Bench  David  Johnson  and  Job  Johnston. 
The  Commissioner  thought  it  proper  to  distinguish  the 
Chancellors  by  their  Christian  names.  This  was  unnec- 
essary, as  their  names  were  spelt  differently,  the  one  be- 
ing Johnston  and  the  other  Johnson.  Immediately 
after  the  minutes  were  read,  Chancellor  Johnston  called 
for  the  book  and  ran  his  pen  through  the  word  Job. 

In  riding  the  circuit  Chancellor  Johnston  would 
always  make  the  lawyers  traveling  in  company  with 
him  drive  ahead.  He  was  afraid  that  some  of  their 
horses  might  run  away,  and  in  such  a  case  he  thought 
it  safer  to  be  behind.  It  was  some  time  after  railroads 
were  constructed  before  he  would  consent  to  ride  over 
them.  He  had  an  apprehension  of  danger  and  thought 
it  an  unsafe  way  of  traveling.  No  one  ever  had  a 
greater  horror  of  bed  bugs  than  the  Chancellor.  If  he 
saw  one  or  imagined  he  felt  one  in  his  bed  there  was  no 
more  sleep  for  him  that  night,  unless  he  took  his  blanket 
and  slept  on  the  floor.  He  always  sat  up  till  a  late 
hour  in  the  night,  very  often  till  one  or  two  o'clock,  and 
then  slept  late  in  the  morning.  At  one  of  the  hotels  on 
his  Circuit  he  discovered  his  mortal  enemy  in  great 
force  when  he  retired  to  bed,  and  promptly  determined 
to  withdraw  from  the  would-be  field  of  battle  that  night. 
He  went  into  the  dining  room  adjoining  his  bed  cham- 
ber, and  made  his  pallet  under  one  end  of  a  long  dining 
table,  which  extended  across  the  room.  His  faithful  bod  v 


Job  Johnston.  133 

servant  always  had  orders  not  to  let  him  be  disturbed 
in  the  morning  until  he  woke  up.  Faithful  to  his  trust 
he  took  his  seat  near  his  master,  and  would  not  let  the. 
waiters  disturb  him  whilst  they  were  setting  the  table 
for  breakfast.  Breakfast  came  in  and  the  boarders 
seated  themselves  at  one  end  of  the  table,  whilst  the 
Chancellor  slept  soundly  under  the  other  end,  undis- 
turbed. 

There  was  an  old  hotel  at  Winnsboro,  which  had  been 
Lord  Cornwallis'  headquarters  for  some  time  during  the 
Revolutionary  war.  It  became  terribly  infested  with 
the  Chancellor's  most  horrible  nuisance.  The  next 
morning,  after  an  effort  to  sleep  in  one  of  the  rooms  of 
this  hotel,  the  Chancellor  said  to  mine  host:  "  Do  you 
know,  sir,  that  you  have  a  great  fortune  in  this  house?" 
The  hotel  keeper  expressed  his  ignorance  of  the  fact,  and 
begged  the  Chancellor  to  explain.  He  said:  "You 
know  that  your  house  was  headquarters  for  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  and  his  officers  during  the  Revolutionary  war?" 
Mine  host  replied  "that  he  had  heard  so."  "You  are 
also  aware  that  Congress  has  passed  an  act  giving  a 
pension  to  all  who  fought  in  that  war  and  especially  to 
all  those  who  drew  English  blood?"  "Yes,  he  had  un- 
derstood such  a  law  had  been  passed  by  Congress." 
"  Well,"  said  the  Chancellor,  "you  have  thousands  and 
thousands  in  this  house,  who  were  here,  I  am  satisfied, 
from  last  night's  experience,  during  its  occupancy  by- 
Lord  Cornwallis,  every  one  of  whom  doubtless  drew 
English  blood  in  their  nightly  battles  with  the  General 
and  his  staff,  and  they  are  all  entitled  to  a  pension  un- 
der the  act  of  Congress." 

Chancellor  Johnston  told  me  that  his  first  wife,  a 
Miss  Randal,  was  his  own  cousin,  and  for  many  years  he 
had  an  apprehension  that  some  of  his  children  might  be 
born  deaf,  blind  or  deformed,  and  that  his  first  enquiry 
was,  at  the  birth  of  every  child,  "is  it  all  ri<rht?"  This 
apprehension  was  not  groundless,  for  the  statistics  of 


134  Job  Johnston. 

the  deaf,  dumb  and  blind,  show  that  the  greater  por- 
tion of  the  unfortunates  are  the  children  of  parents  who 
were  related  in  blood.  Insanity,  too,  has  been  the  fre- 
quent consequence  of  such  marriages,  in  their  offspring. 
But  all  of  the  Chancellor's  children  were  perfect  in  this 
respect. 

The  Judges  of  South  Carolina  have  verified  the  saying 
that  some  one  applied  to  lawyers:  "They  live  well, 
work  hard  and  die  poor."  But  Chancellor  Johnston 
had  accumulated  a  very  handsome  estate  before  his 
death.  Whether  it  was  wrecked  in  the  late  civil  war, 
I  am  not  able  to  say. 

The  Chancellor  was  an  uncommonly  fine  looking  gen- 
tleman, tall,  well  proportioned,  with  a  most  command- 
ing presence,  and  a  bright,  genialface,  beaming  with  life, 
intelligence  and  sociability.  Intellectually,  South  Caro- 
lina has  produced  few  superior  men.  But  never  having 
engaged  in  political  life,  his  talents  and  ability  were  lit- 
tle known  abroad. 


M 


"JOHNSTON'S  WIFE  OF  LOUISIANA." 

^jfcHE  editors  of  the  Charleston  News  and  Cornier, 
1  have  recently  reproduced  this  exquisitely  beauti- 
ful son»-,  written  by  the  Hon.  Warren  R.  Davis,  whilst 
he  was  in  Congress,  nearly  half  a  century  since.  It  is  a 
parody  on  "Roy's  Wife  of  Aldavaila,"  and  was  greatly 
admired  when  first  published.  I  have  not  seen  this 
''famous  old  song"  for  forty  years  past— I  return  my 
thanks  to  the  editor  of  the  News  and  Courier  for  its  re- 
production. 

Whilst  editing  the  Greenville  Mountaineer,  in  1835,1 
collected  and  published  shortly  after  the  death  of  Mr. 
Davis,  a  great  deal  of  his  poetry.  It  was  furnished  me 
by  Winchester  Foster,  Sheriff  of  Pendleton  District,  who 
was  a  very  intimate  friend  of  the  poet.  Whilst  lying  on 
his  sick  bed,  he  dictated  to  Mr.  Foster,  or  repeated  most 
of  his  fugitive  pieces,  who  wrote  them  down,  and  gave 
me  the  manuscript.  Not  long  since  I  made  search 
amongst  my  old  file  of  newspapers  for  this  poetry,  but 
could  not  find  it. 

Warren  R.  Davis  was  a  distinguished  lawyer,  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress  and  an  accomplished  gentleman  of 
learning  and  talents.  He  had  a  great  deal  of  poetry  in 
his  composition,  and  some  of  his  older  songs  and  fugi- 
tive pieces  were  very  beautiful  and  greatly  admired. 
He  was  a  boon  companion,  and  loved  by  all  his  friends 
and  acquaintances.  He  was  also  a  very  handsome  gen- 
tleman, and  quite  a  beau  among  the  ladies  in  Washing- 
ton. He  there  met  Mrs.  .Johnston,  the  wife  of  the  Hon. 
Josiah  S.  Johnston,  who  was  then  a  Senator  in  Con- 
gress from  the  State  of  Louisiana,  and  wrote  the  follow- 
ing lines  on  her  which  the  editors  of  the  News  and 
Courier  have  a ppropriately  termed  "afamous  old  song." 


136  "Johnston's  Wife  of  Louisiana." 

A  Famous  Old  Song. 
Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana! 
Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana! 
The  fairest  flower  that  ever  bloomed 
In  southern  sun  or  gay  Savannah. 
The  Inoa's  blood  flows  in  her  veins, 

The  Inea's  i»oul  her  bright  eyes  lighten. 
Child  of  the  Sun,  like  him  she  reigns 

To  cheer  our  hopes,  and  sorrows  brighten, 
Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 
Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 
The  fairest  flower  that  ever  bloomed, 
In  Southern  sun  or  gay  Savannah. 

Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 
Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 
She  hath  a  way  to  win  all  hearts 
And  bow  them  to  the  shrine  of  Anna. 
Her  mind  is  radiant  with  the  lore 

Of  ancient  and  of  modern  story. 
And  native  wit  of  richer  store 

Bedecks  her  with  its  rainbow  glory. 
Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 
Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 
She  hath  a  way  to  charm  all  hearts, 
And  bow  them  to  the  shrine  of  Anna  ! 

Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 
Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 
The  hapless  bard  who  sings  her  praise 

Now  worships  at  the  shrine  of  Anna  ! 
'Twas  such  a  vision,  bright  but  brief, 

In  early  youth  his  true  heart  rended 
Then  left  it,  like  a  fallen  leaf, 

On  life's  most  rugged  thorn  suspended, 

Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 

Johnston's  wife  of  Louisiana  ! 

The  hapless  bard  who  sings  her  praise 

Wept  tears  of  blood  for  such  as  Anna. 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Mrs.  Johnston,  at 
ex-President  Van  Buren's,  in  1846.  She  was  then  Mrs. 
Gilpin,  the  wife  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  and  resided  in  Philadelphia.  Her  first  hus- 
band was  blown  up  on  board  of  a  steamboat,  shortly 
after  the  publication  of  Davis'  parody.  When  I  saw 
her,  she  must  have  been  thirty-five  or  forty  years  old, 
and  her  beauty  was  on  the  wane.    But  her  features  were 


"  Johnston's  Wife  of  Louisiana."  137 

classic,  and  the  expression  of  her  countenance  was  sweet 
and  "charming."  Her  person  was  slender  and  delicate, 
about  the  ordinary  height,  and  graceful.  Her  complex- 
ion was  pale  and  not  very  fair.  Her  eyes  were  ordina- 
rily bright  and  nothing  more.  In  her  mariners,  I 
thought  she  was  sedate,  and  rat  her  grave.  Davis'  song 
of  "Johnston's  Wife  of  Louisiana,"  was  in  my  mind  the 
whole  time  I  was  in  her  company,  and  I  was  earnestly 
observing  her  features  and  manners.  I  could  not  dis- 
cover any  of  the  "Inca'fi  blood"  in  her  appearance,  or 
any  traces  of  her  royal  descent  in  her  countenance.  I 
presume  all  this  had  been  worn  out  generations  since. 
Nor  have  I  ever  understood  on  what  grounds  she  claims 
her  descent  from  the  children  of  the  Peruvian  Sun  or  the 
royal  Incas  of  that  nation.  It  may  have  existed  only 
in  the  poet's  imagination.  But  the  loveliest  and  most 
fascinating  of  the  female  sex,  afterthey  reach  the  mature 
age  of  thirty-five  or  forty,  are  not  true  representatives 
of  what  they  were  at  eighteen  or  twenty.  I  have  fre- 
quently thought  and  said  it  was  a  great  shame  that 
women  could  not  retain  their  youth  and  beauty  as  long 
as  they  lived. 

The  poet,  after  describing  Johnston's  wife  of  Louisi- 
ana, as  possessing  "a  way  to  charm  all  hearts,  and  bow 
them  to  her  shrine,"  says  : 

"  'Twas  such  a  vision,  bright  but  brief 
In  earlv  youth  his  tnie  heart  rended."    And 

"The  hapless  bard  who  sings  her  praise, 
Wept  tears  of  blood  for  such  as  Anna." 

These  lines  are  beautiful  enough  to  have  been  founded 
in  truth,  and  they  express  feeling  enough  to  warrant 
this  conclusion. 

The  tradition  is  that  the  Hon.  Warren  R.  Davis  was 
deeply  enamored,  "in  early  youth,"  with  one  of  South 
Carolina's  most  beautiful  and  fascinating  belles,  who 
afterwards  became  the  wife  of  his  intimate  friend,  Gov- 
ernor McDuffie.  She  was  the  lady  at  whose  shrine  "the 
hapless  bard  wept  tears  of  blood."    I  remember  hearing 


138  "Johnston's  Wife  of  Louisiana." 

the  father  of  this  lady  invite  Mr.  Davis  to  spend  the 
evening  with  him,  which  he  promptly  declined.  The 
father  then  urged  his  invitation,  and  said,  "my  family 
will  all  be  happy  to  see  yon."  But  "the  true  heart 
rended,  and  left  like  a,  fallen  leaf,  on  life's  most  rugged 
thorn  suspended,"  was  firm  in  its  refusal  to  meet  again 
its  lady  love,  when  her  hand  was  pledged  to  another! 
True  it  is,  that  "the  heart  that  once  fondly  loves,  can 
never  forget."  I  have  always  admired  the  noble  reply 
of  "old  Sarah"  Duchess,  of  Marlborough,  when  her 
hand  was  asked  in  marriage  by  one  of  England's  highest 
Peers.  She  said  :  "  Marlborough's  widow  can  never  be 
the  wife  of  another  man." 

Cannot  the  editors  of  The  News  and  Courier  furnish 
its  readers  with  some  more  of  Davis'  poetry?  The  Hon. 
Lyman  C.  Draper,  of  Madison,  Wisconsin,  who  is  writing 
the  life  of  General  Sumter,  has  written  to  me  to  try  and 
procure  for  him  a  copy  of  an  ode  by  Davis,  on  the  cross- 
ing of  the  Wateree,  by  Sumter's  Brigade.  If  any  one 
has  a  complete  file  of  the  Greenville  Mountaineer  in  1835, 
he  will  find  in  it  the  collection  of  Davis'  poetry  which  I 
made.  But  that  collection  is  far  from  being  complete. 
I  know  it  did  not  contain  a  very  pretty  piece  on  "  Miss 
Anna  Gourdin,"  and  which  I  believe  never  was  in  print. 
Mr.  Davis  wrote  it  one  night  after  attending  a  ball  in 
Greenville,  and  gave  it  to  a  young  man,  to  father  its 
authorship,  who  sometimes  wrote  dojrgerel  poetry.  But 
the  trick  was  soon  discovered,  and  Miss  Gourdin 
copied  the  poetry  in  her  album.  She  afterwards  married 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Young,  of  Charleston,  and  I  believe,  is  still 
living. 

The  Hon.  Warren  R.  Davis  died  in  Washington  city, 
in  1835.  a  bachelor!  The  "true  heart  rended,"  never 
healed  or  united  with  another.  The  "  bright  vision"  of 
early  youth,  which  ha  I  "a  way  to  win  all  hearts"  and 
"  bow  them  to  her  shrine,"  exhausted  the  treasure  of  his 
love. 


JAMES  KENT. 


HANCELLOR  KENT  is  known  to  the  whole  civil- 
ized world  ns  a  distinguished  jurist  and  commen- 
tator on  Kiiglish  arid  American  law.  His  decisions  are 
quoted  and  his  commentaries  read  wherever  the  com- 
mon law  is  known  and  practiced.  Few  men  in  America, 
or  England  have  left  behind  them  a  more  enviable  repu- 
tation as  a  Judge,  Chancellor  and  judicial  writer.  He 
presided  in  the  law  court  of  New  York  sixteen  yearn, 
and  ten  yearn  as  Chief  Justice.  He  was  then  elected 
Chancellor  of  that  great  State,  and  continued  to  serve 
in  that  high  office  till  he  arrived  at  the  age  of  sixty, 
when  he  had  to  retire  from  the  Bench,  under  the  pro- 
vision of  the  State  Constitution,  limiting  the  judicial 
term  to  that  age.  He  then  became  Professor  of  Law  in 
Columbia  College,  New  York,  and  delivered  a  series 
of  lectures  to  numerous  classes  for  several  years.  These 
lectures  were  afterwards  published  in  his  "  Commentaries 
on  American  Law."  No  law  work  ever  published  in  the 
United  States  had  such  a  run  as  these  commentaries— 
they  passed  through  ten  editions  before  the  death  of 
their  author.  They  became  to  the  American  lawyer 
what  Blackstone's Commentaries  had  been  to  the  English 
lawyer.  Chancellor  Kent  was  born  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  Putnam 'County,  July  31,  1763.  His  father  was 
a  lawyer,  and  for  a  number  of  years  Surrogate  or  Pro- 
bate Judge  of  Rensselaer  County.  The  Chancellor  grad- 
uated at  Yale  College,  in  his  eighteenth  year,  and  was 
admitted  to  the  Bar  in  1785,  being  then  twenty-two 
years  old.  It  is  said  that  he  k'soon  became  remarkable 
among  his  contemporaries  for  his  legal  learning  and 
literary  attainments."  He  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Legislature  in  1790  and  1792,  and  became  an  active 


140  James  Kent. 

and  leading:  Federalist.  The  next  year  he  was  a  can- 
didate for  Con gress,  in  Dutchess  County,  and  defeated. 
Thereupon,  he  moved  to  the  City  of  New  York,  and  in 
1796  he  was  again  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Legis- 
lature from  that  city.  In  early  life  he  was  the  favorite 
of  such  men  as  Chief  Justice  Jay  and  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton. He  died  in  the  eighty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  and  re- 
mained in  full  possesion  of  his  health  and  mental  powers 
up  to  the  period  of  his  death.  In  1821  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  State  Convention  of  New  York,  and  took  an 
active  part  in  the  debates  on  their  new  Constitution. 
In  1830  there  was  considerable  discussion  in  South 
Carolina  on  the  subject  of  our  judiciary.  I  was  then  a, 
member  of  the  Legislature,  and  thought  it  would  be  a 
great  matter  to  ha  ve  the  opinion  of  so  distinguished  and 
experienced  a  Judge  as  Chancellor  Kent  on  the  question  of 
amnlgamatingtheCourtsof  Equity  and  Law;  and  alsoas 
to  the  propriety  of  a  separate  Court  of  Appeals.  I  was 
myself  in  favor  of  blending  the  jurisdiction  of  Law  and 
Equity  in  one  Court,  but  keeping  the  practice  and  pro- 
ceedings in  Law  and  Equity  separate  and  distinct, 
though  administered  by  the  same  Judge.  I  was  also 
in  favor  of  a  separate  Court  of  Appeals,  to  hear  all  ap- 
peals in  Law  and  Equity,  instead  of  the  Circuit  Judges 
meeting  to  hear  appeals  at  law,  and  the  Chancellors 
meeting  to  dispose  of  appeal  in  Equity.  I  therefore 
wrote  to  Chancellor  Kent,  asking  him  to  give  me  his 
views  on  these  important  questions.  In  reply  to  my 
letter,  he  kindly  wrote  me  as  follows,  but  with  the  in- 
junction that  I  was  not  to  publish  his  letter  at  that 
time;  but  I  can  see  no  impropriety  now  in  giving  pub- 
licity to  the  views  which  he  then  expressed.  They  will 
be  read  with  interest  by  those  who  have  given  any  con- 
sideration to  the  establishment  of  our  judiciarv  system. 
Mr.  Petigru  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  at  that 
time,  and  bitterly  opposed  to  uniting  the  two  jurisdic- 
tions in  one  court.    He  was  emphatically  a  conserva- 


.James  Kent.  141 

live  in  all  things,  and  had  the  highest  regard  for  the 
English  system  of  jurisprudence.  I  well  remember  the 
dissatisfaction  he  expressed  as  Chairman  of  the  Judi- 
ciary Committee,  when  my  Bill  to  blend  the  Courts  of 
Equity  and  Law  came  up  for  consideration  before  his 
Committee.  He  said :  "Have  we  at  last  come  to  the 
humiliation  of  considering  the  question  of  '  amalga- 
mation?'" What  would  this  proud  old  conservative 
lawyer  say  now,  if  he  were  alive,  to  the  radical  changes 
which  have  been  made  in  our  laws,  our  practice  and  our 
courts,  under  the  present  regime  in  South  Carolina? 

New  York,  Aug.  4,  1836 
Dear  Sir— I  have  the  pleasure  of  acknowledging  your 
obliging  letter  of  the  20th  ult.,  and  I  should  have  done 
it  sooner,  had  not  my  absence  from  the  city  for  some 
weeks  detained  the  letter  from  me  until  a  day  or  two 
ago. 

I  have  attended  to  the  questions  you  state,  but  I  have 
a  very  great  reluctance  to  give  my  opinions,  unless  con- 
fidentially and  privately,  on  great  political  and  consti- 
tutional points,  and  measures  which  are  to  undergo 
public  discussion.  If  such  questions  came  before  me  in 
any  situation  and  under  any  character  in  which  it  be- 
came a  duty  to  speak,  no  person  would  do  it  with  more 
promptitude  and  frankness;  but  I  do  not  like  to  be  in- 
trusive, or  appear  to  set  anv  great  value  on  my  own 
speculations.  The  two  questions  you  state  are  very 
grave  and  debatable  questions.  The  first  question  is, 
whether  the  Courts  of  Law  and  Equity  ought,  in  sound 
wisdom  and  true  policy,  to  be  blended  in  the  same  tribu- 
nal, though  under  the  restriction  of  keeping  the  suits  and 
proceedings  in  Law  and  Equity  distinct,  as  though  they 
were  therecords  of  two  distinct  jurisdictions ;  or  whether 
they  ought  to  be  totally  distinct  tribunals,  as  on  the 
English  model. 
Now,  I  do  not  think  it  would   become  me  to  be  dog- 


142  James  Kent. 

matic  on  this  question.  Statesmen  are  much  divided  in 
opinion  concerning  it,  and  our  opinions  are  very  much 
the  creatures  of  education  and  practice. 

I  was  educated  in  a  State  which  followed  closely  the 
English  model  until  1828,  and  I  have  tried  practically 
both  systems,  when  kept  perfectly  separate,  being*  ten 
years  Chancellor  without  any  chancery  power  in  the 
Supreme  Court  any  more  than  in  theO.B.,and  beingten 
years  Chancellor  without  any  more  connection  with  or 
influenced  by  Courts  of  Law  than  the  English  Chancellor. 
It  was  to  be  expected  that  I  was  for  that  system,  and 
would  be  adverse  to  the  scheme  introduced  by  the  New 
York  Convention,  in  1821,  of  blending  the  system  in  a 
partial  degree.  My  speeches  in  that  convention  were 
against  it,  and  they  are  to  be  seen  in  the  debates  of  New 
York  Convention,  published  in  1821.  That  convention 
left  the  Chancellor  as  he  new  exists  with  much  abridg- 
ment of  his  sole  and  vast  Equity  powers,  and  with  a 
deposit  of  part  of  it  concurrently  in  circuit  courts,  held 
by  common  law  judges.  This  mixed  jurisdiction  pre- 
vails to  this  day  ;  but,  whatever  be  the  cause,  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  in  this  State  in  Equity  is  ex- 
tremely dilatory,  and  not  popular  with  the  profession. 
Nor  is  the  administration  of  justice  at  law  so  efficient 
and  influential  and  popular  as  it  was  formerly  under  the 
nisi-prius  system,  when  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  rode  the  circuits.  There  is  so  great  a  diversity  in 
the  organization  of  the  courts  of  Law  and  Equity  in 
the  several  States,  that  we  cannot  resort  for  authority 
to  the  practice  in  one  State,  for  in  the  very  next  State, 
perhaps,  we  meet  with  a  contrary  authority.  There 
are  but  very  few  States  in  which  Equity  jurisdiction  re- 
sides so  absolutely  in  one  tribunal  as  in  England,  to  a 
great  degree ;  and  as  it  did  in  New  York  most  entirely 
and  absolutely,  the  whole  time  I  was  Chancellor. 

It  is  certain,  that  I  am  for  the  old  system,  both  as  to 
chancery  and  as  to  the  nisi-prius  system  at  law  ;   and  it 


James  Kent.  143 

is  equally  certain  that  the  current  of  the  times  has  set 
decidedly  the  other  way,  and  if  we  were  to  have  another 
convention  in  this  State,  I  believe  they  would  abolish 
the  court  of  chancery  as  a  separate  tribunal.  The  times 
are  revolutionary — alarmingly  so.  All  old  princi- 
ples of  law  and  liberty,  and  all  the  notions  of  the  ancient 
sages  in  this  country  and  elsewhere  are  discarded  and 
despised,  and  ultraism  is  the  spirit  of  the  day  in  every- 
thing. I  endeavor  to  stand  super  antiquas  vias,  and 
adhere  to  the  notions  of  government  and  constitutional 
policy,'  and  jurisprudence  that  swayed  the  wise  men  of 
this  country  from  1787  to  the  beginning  of  the  present 
century.  But  I  stand  in  comparative  solitude,  and  al- 
most all  my  contemporaries  who  entertained  the  same 
opinions  that  I  did,  and  imbibed  them  from  the  same 
fountains,  are  swept  away. 

I  perceive  that  I  have  anticipated  your  second  ques- 
tion also;  and  now,  as  to  what  I  would  do  if  I  were  in 
your  place,  I  should  be  influenced  by  circumstances,  and 
strive  for  the  best  practical  system.  The  mixed  tribu- 
nal of  Law  and  Equity  prevails  in  Scotland,  in  the 
English  Court  of  Exchequer,  and  in  the  Courts  of  most 
of  the  States;  and  I  should  not  be  tenacious  of  my  own 
views,  if  I  found  that  they  were  not  palatable  and  would 
not  be  adopted.  Just  so  with  the  nisi-prius  system.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  riding 
circuits,  and  acting  singly,  gives  vigor  and  dispatch  to 
business,  and  adds  weight  to  the  Court  and  saves  great 
trouble  >and  delay  when  they  are  at  the  Bar  to  explain 
on  motions  for  new  trials,  and  on  points  reserved.  It 
certainly  worked  admirably  in  New  York,  not  only 
under  the  Colony  administration,  but  since  the  Revolu- 
tion, down  to  1823,  and  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court 
had  much  greater  influence  and  respect  than  the  local 
Circuit  Judges  now  have.  However,  I  am  not  sure  that 
we  could  go  back  to  that  system,  if  we  had  a  conven- 
tion to  review  our  system.    The  other  is  more  popular 


144  James  Kent. 

because  more  diffusive,  weak  and  accessive.  It  is  proba- 
bly as  good  as  the  doctrines  and  impulses  of  the  times 
will  tolerate,  and  I  should  be  willing  to  acquiesce  in  any 
plan  that  will  keep  us  from  more  radical  changes. 

I  write  confidentially  for  the  reason  already  suggested, 
and  I  beg  leave  to  add  the  assurances  of  my  respect 
and  esteem.  James  Kent. 

B.  F.  Perry. 


FRANCIS  LIEBER. 

1  BECAME  acquainted  with  Doctor  Francis  Lieber 
whilst  I  was  a  member  of  the  South  Carolina  Legis- 
lature, and  the  Doctor  was  professor  of  History  and 
Political  Economy  in  the  South  Carolina  College.  I  had 
introduced  a  bill  in  the  Legislature  to  establish  a  peni- 
tentiary system  in  South  Carolina,  which  attracted 
Doctor  Lieber's  attention  and  lead  to  our  acquaintance. 
He  was  a  great  advocate  of  moral  reform,  and  thought 
ignorance  and  want  of  moral  culture  made  most  of  the 
criminals  in  the  world.  He  believed  that  a  bad  man 
might  become  a  good  man,  and  he  thought  hanging 
about  as  poor  a  use  as  any  government  could  make  of 
its  citizens.  The  Doctor  invited  me  to  dine  with  him, 
and  talk  over  the  subject.  I  got  him  to  write  a  pam- 
phlet in  recommendation  of  the  system.  First,  I  wrote 
to  Governor  Noble  to  write  the  Doctor,  and  request  his 
views  for  publication  on  the  propriety  of  establishing  a 
penitentiary  system. 

The  political  excitement  which  sprung  up  immediately 
afterwards,  drew  us  closer  together.  He  was  an  uncom- 
promising Union  man.  When  I  established  the  only 
Union  paper  in  South  Carolina,  in  1851,  the  Doctor 
wrote  a  great  many  most  able  and  valuable  articles  for 
it.  He  is  a  man  of  great  learning,  and  has  a  world- 
wide reputation.  He  can  work,  read  and  write  all  day, 
and  all  night,  too,  if  necessary.  He  is  a  man  of  strong 
and  vigorous  constitution.  He  has  travelled  a  great 
deal  and  written  a  great  deal.  His  travels  have  been 
over  the  greater  portion  of  the  globe,  and  his  writings 
have  embraced  almost  every  branch  of  human  learning. 
The  trustees  of  the  College  refused  to  elect  him  President, 
and  he  resigned  his  professorship,  and  moved  to  New 
York.    This  was  a  great  mistake  on  the  part  of  the 


146  Francis  Lieber. 

rustees,  giving  up  such  a  man  as  Dr.  Lieber.  I  did  all 
I  could  to  secure  his  election,  and  knew  that  it  would 
give  reputation  to  the  College.  A  majority  of  the  trus- 
tees thought,  however,  that  he  was  deficient  in  admin- 
istrative talent.  Some  of  them,  too,  were  prejudiced 
against  him  on  account  of  his  political  principles. 

On  the  removal  of  Dr.  Lieber  to  New  York,  he  was 
elected  to  a  professorship  in  Union  College.  When  I  was 
in  New  York,  in  1859,  I  called  to  see  the  old  gentleman, 
and  found  him  happy  and  contented.  He  was  in  a 
better  latitude  for  his  politics.  We  spent  the  evening 
in  talking  over  old  times.  He  had  just  received  an 
autograph  letter  from  Humboldt,  which  he  framed  and 
hung  up  in  his  library.  He  had  a  Latin  motto  in  large 
letters  over  his  door,  which  expressed  the  idea,  that  lib- 
erty was  dearer  to  him  than  his  country.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  Dr.  Lieber's  philosophical  views  and  moral 
feelings  were  all  opposed  to  slavery,  whilst  he  was  in 
South  Carolina.  But  he  was  no  abolitionist,  in  the 
ordinary  acceptation  of  the  term.  He  did  not  wish  to 
disturb  the  relation  which  existed  between  master  and 
slave.  He,  no  doubt,  thought  with  Mr.  Webster,  as  he 
expressed  himself,  at  Dr.  Gibbe's  table,  that  no  change 
could  be  made  which  would  benefit  the  slave.  He 
thought  and  declared  that  the  Negro  was  an  inferior 
race  to  the  white  man,  and  never  could  be  elevated  to 
his  position. 

Dr.  Lieber  has  been  oftener  and  more  highly  compli- 
mented and  honored  in  Europe,  than  any  other  Ameri- 
can citizen,  except  it  be  Professor  Agassis,  of  Boston. 
The  Doctor  was  born  in  Prussia,  and  had  to  leave  there 
on  account  of  his  liberal  views  and  participation  in  some 
political  movement.  He  was  a  soldier  in  the  battle  of 
Waterloo,  and  wounded  in  the  foot.  He  has  written  ten 
or  twelve  volumes  of  the  American  Encyclopedia,  two 
large  volumes  of  political  ethics,  two  volumes  on  civil 
government,  recollections  of  Nieber,  &c,  &c. 


Francis  Liebek.  147 

During  the  recent  war,  Doctor  Lieber  was  a  fierce 
Radical,  and  said  and  did  a  great  many  things  which 
greatly  displeased  his  Southern  friends.  He  had  one 
son  killed  in  the  Confederate  army,  and  another  who 
lost  an  arm  in  the  Federal  army.  I  do  not  know  his 
political  sentiments  since  the  war.  He  may  be  acting 
with  the  Radical  party,  but  I  feel  assured  he  cannot 
approve  of  the  tyranny  and  usurpations  of  that  party. 
He  is  a  thorough  democrat  by  nature  and  education, 
lo\Tes  liberty  and  republican  principles,  as  his  whole  life 
illustrates.  Nor  can  I  believe  that  he  is  in  favor  of 
Negro  supremacy,  in  the  Southern  States,  or  willing  to 
see  the  intelligent  and  virtuous  men  of  his  own  race  dis- 
franchised. 

Doctor  Lieber  is  a  man  of  plain  and  simple  manners, 
and  a  most  pleasant  and  agreeable  companion.  He  is 
full  of  learning  and  information  on  all  subjects,  and  was 
regarded  in  the  South  Carolina  College  as  a  sort  of 
walking  library.  When  information  was  desired  on  any 
subject,  many  of  his  friends  would  apply  to  him  for  it 
instead  of  going  to  their  books.  He  is  a  stout  and 
heavy  man,  formed  for  strength  and  labor.  He  is  not 
very  graceful  in  his  person,  though  genteel.  Nor  is  he 
very  spruce  in  his  dress.  His  great  massive  mind  soars 
above  such  considerations. 


.  GEORGE  G.  MEADE. 

W WHILST  acting  as  Provisional  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  I  received  a  letter  from  General  Gil- 
more,  military  commander  of  the  State  requesting:  me 
to  meet  General  Meade  in  Columbia.  He  was  the  mili- 
tary commander  of  the  Atlantic  States,  and  stationed 
in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  We  had  a  long*  interview, 
and  it  was  agreed  that  the  military  authorities  should 
no  longer  take  cognizance  of  cases  in  which  white  per- 
sons alone  were  concerned.  Where  negroes  were  parties, 
they  were  still  to  retain  jurisdiction  till  the  Legislature 
could  repeal  the  law  prohibiting  colored  persons  from 
giving  testinony  in  the  courts,  in  cases  in  which  they 
were  interested  parties.  After  the  repeal  of  this  law,  the 
civil  courts  were  to  take  jurisdiction  of  all  cases. 

I  remonstrated  strongly  against  the  negro  troops  be- 
ing scattered  over  the  State,  and  stated  that  they  were 
everywhere  committing  outrages  on  society.  General 
Meade  said  he  could  withdraw  all  colored  troops  from 
the  interior  of  the  State,  and  place  them  in  forts  and 
garrisons  on  the  sea  coast,  where  they  could  do  no  mis- 
chief. He  expressed  an  earnest  desire  to  get  rid  of  all 
negro  troops  entirely,  but  said  it  would  have  to  be  done 
gradually,  so  as  not  to  offend  public  sentiment  at  the 
North.  During  the  whole  of  our  interview,  General 
Meade  expressed  himself  in  regard  to  the  South,  in  terms 
highly  honorable  to  him  as  an  officer  and  a  patriot.  I 
was  very  favorably  impressed  with  him,  and  thought 
that  he  was  the  soul  of  honor  and  chivalry.  I  did  not 
believe  it  possible  for  such  a  man  to  play  the  cruel 
tyrant  and  oppressor  of  his  race  and  country,  as  he 
afterwards  did  whilst  in  command  of  the  military  dis- 
trict of  Georgia. 

He  expressed  feelings    of  sympathy,  to  me,  for  the 


George  G.  Meade.  149 

South,  which  greatly  attached  me  to  him,  and  I  thought 
him  the  beau  ideal  of  military  honor.  He  spoke  of  the 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  and  said  the  war  ought  to  have 
ended  with  the  retreat  of  General  Lee  into  Virginia. 
That  all  hope  of  Southern  independence  was  then  gone, 
and  the  continuance  of  the  war  was  a,  cruel  sacrifice  of 
human  life.  I  thought  to  myself,  that  if  the  war  had 
then  ended,  General  Meade,  and  not  General  Grant, 
would  have  been  the  great  hero  of  the  war.  How  far 
this  may  have  influenced  his  judgment,  T  am  not  able  to 
say.  But  surely  the  Confederate  States  did  a  great  deal 
of  hard  fighting  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  and 
were  successful  on  many  occasions  after  that. 

General  Meade  was  dressed  in  full  uniform,  and  I 
thought  him  as  fine  a  looking  an  officer  as  I  had  ever 
seen.  I  met  him  afterwards,  at  the  depot  in  Philadel- 
phia, dressed  very  shabbily  in  citizen's  clothes,  with  an 
old  straw  hat  on,  and  it  was  hard  for  me  to  realize  that 
he  was  the  same  person  whom  I  had  met  twelve 
months  before  in  Columbia,  dressed  as  a  Major  General 
of  the  United  States.  He  did  not  appear  to  be  as  tall 
by  several  inches,  and  his  courtly  air  and  manner  were 
gone. 

The  sister  of  General  Meade  married  Captain  Huger, 
who  died  gloriously  defendingthe Confederate  flag  below 
the  city  of  New  Orleans.  She  died,  and  left  two  sons, 
who  were  with  Mr.  Alfred  Huger,  in  Columbia.  General 
Meade  went  to  see  them,  and  insisted  on  taking  them 
with  him  to  educate  and  bring  up.  But  Mr.  Huger, 
though  in  great  poverty,  could  not  tolerate  the  idea  of 
giving  up  the  children  of  his  adopted  son,  to  be  carried 
to  the  North  to  be  brought  up  and  educated.  The  Gene- 
ral spoke  kindly  of  Mr.  Huger's  feelings  of  delicacy  and 
protection  on  the  subject  after  his  return  from  the  visit. 

The  conduct  of  General  Meade  in  Georgia  has  taught 
me  to  believe  that  very  few  military  men  are  fit  for  civil 
government,  or  can  appreciate  Republican  principles. 


WILLIAM  D.  MARTIN. 

Tfe  FIRST  saw  Judge  Martin  whildst  he  was  Clerk  of  the 
ll     Senate  in  Columbia,  but  never  had  any  acquaintance 
with  him  till  after  his  election  to  Congress.     He  was  a 
man  of  fine    personal  appearance,   good   address,  and 
possessed   great    conversational    powers.     He   was    an 
eminent  lawyer  and  had  a  very  high  standing  in  Conr 
gress.     It  is  said   that    he    would    have    been    elected 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  if  he  had  con- 
tinued in  Congress.     He  was  the  model  of  a  good  circuit 
Judge,  and  died  whilst  holding  court  in  Charleston.    He 
went  to  bed   in   perfect  health,   and  the  next  morning 
when  his  body  servant  went  into  his  room,  he  found  him 
dead.    His  death  was    caused  by  apoplexy.    He  died 
during  our  greatest  political  excitement,  and  his  oppo- 
nents manifested  the  highest  regard  for   his  character, 
and  the  deepest  regret  at  his  death.     I  was  at  that  time 
editing  a  Union   paper,  and  received  from  Mr.  Petigru 
an  obituary  notice  of  him.     He  spoke  of  him  with  the 
affection  of  a  brother,  and  the  admiration  of  a  warm 
personal  friend,  though  they  were  strongly  opposed  in 
politics.    They  had  practiced  law  together  many  years 
in  the  same  place,  always  employed  on   opposite  sides, 
and  never  had  a  word's  difference  or  an  unkind  feeling. 
If  one  of  them  was  not  ready  in  a  case,  he  had  only  to 
say  so  to  the  other,  and  the  case  was  continued  without 
affidavits.    How  very  pleasant,    honorable  and   high- 
toned  gentlemen  may  make  their  practice,  and  how  disa- 
greeable it  may  become  between  pettifogers. 

In  court  Judge  Martin  presided  with  great  dignity  and 
courtesy.  He  dispatched  the  business  with  great 
promptness,  and  always  with  satisfaction  to  the  bar. 
Whilst  on  the  circuit,  he  was  very  communicative  to  the 


William  D.  Martin.  151 

lawyers  and  others  He  had  a  great  deal  to  say  about 
the  proceedings  of  Congress  and  the  members  of  that 
body.  In  speaking  of  the  prominence  of  Governor 
Hamilton  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  he  said  it 
was  mainly  owing  to  his  great  talent  as  a  partisan 
leader,  and  the  fortunate  period  at  which  he  entered 
Congress — the  organization  of  the  Jackson  party.  He 
said  Tazewell,  of  Virginia,  was  the  greatest  talker  in  the 
world,  arid  could  talk  as  well  on  one  side  of  a  question 
as  the  other.  He  would  talk,  too,  on  any  subject,  to 
any  one  who  would  listen  to  him  for  hours.  Tazewell 
was  very  honest,  but  so  fond  of  disputation  that  it  was 
accidental  which  side  of  a  question  he  took  in  debute. 
His  talents  were  of  the  highest  order. 

"  Webster,"  said  the  Judge,  "was  scarcely  treated  with 
civility  by  the  Southern  members.  I  never  see  him  with- 
out being  reminded  of  the  leaders  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. He  has  the  appearance  of  a  Mirabeau.  I  thought 
afterwards,  when  I  saw  Mr.  Webster,  that  Judge  Martin 
had  done  him  great  injustice.  His  countenance  was 
grave  and  heavy,  but  by  no  means  ferocious  or  disagree- 
able. His  complexion  was  dark,  his  eyes  very  large  and 
deeply  sunk  in  his  head.  "Van  Buren,"  said  the  Judge, 
''is  always  courting  his  enemies  and  opponents.  If  any 
one  was  to  go  to  him  in  the  Senate,  and  tell  him  that  a 
certain  member  of  Congress  did  not  like  him,  he  would 
have  that  member  by  the  arm  as  soon  as  the  Senate 
adjourned." 

When  Judge  Martin  was  elected  to  the  Bench,  there 
were  several  ballotings,  and  very  Close  ones  between  him 
and  Col.  Thomas  Williams,  of  York  District.  The  eve^ 
ning  the  election  was  made,  Judge  Martin  arrived  in 
Columbia  with  his  family,  on  his  way  to  Washington. 
He  was  then  a  member  of  Congress,  and  continued  to 
serve  out  that  session  after  his  election  to  the  Bench. 
The  next  evening  I  met  him  at  a  large  party  at  Gove- 
nor  Miller's,  and  some  one  congratulated  him  on  his 


152  William  D.  Martin. 

arrival  in  Columbia  just  in  time  to  receive  his  judicial 
honors.  He  replied  that  he  had  arrived  just  as  he  was 
whipped  through  the  polls.  Judge  Earle  had  been 
elected  on  the  first  ballot  at  the  same  time.  There  being 
two  vacancies  to  be  filled. 

Judge  Martin  was  once  conversing  with  me  about 
Judge  Huger,  and  said  he  had  heard  the  Judge  say  when 
(he)  Martin,  was  a  very  young  man,  that  no  one  should 
enter  public  life  without  a  fortune.  He  said  at  that 
time  he  thought  this  was  a  great  heresy  of  an  old  aris- 
tocrat, and  it  made  his  young  ambitious  blood  a  little 
indignant  in  its  poverty.  But  that  he  had  long  been 
satisfied  with  the  wisdom  of  the  remark.  If  his  life  was 
to  go  over  again  he  would  act  on  it. 

In  speaking  of  Mr.  Petigru,  the  Judge  said  that  his 
voice  and  manner  at  the  Bar,  and  before  a  jury,  were 
worth  a  great  deal  in  the  management  of  his  cases.  In 
the  trial  of  a  case  at  Waltcrborough,  the  Judge's  title 
depended  on  an  old  deed,  which  was  properly  executed, 
but  a  good  deal  mutilated.  Petigru  took  the  deed,  put 
his  finger  through  one  of  its  holes,  turned  it  around  to 
the  jury,  and  made  such  sport  of  it,  that  the  Judge  lost 
the  case.  I  remember  once  in  the  Legislature  Mr.  Peti- 
gru kept  the  whole  House  in  a  burst  of  laughter  for 
several  minutes,  by  simply  reading  a  resolution  to 
incorporate  a  jockey  club.  There  was  nothing  peculiar 
in  the  language,  and  had  the  resolution  been  read  by 
any  one  else,  it  would  not  at  all  have  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  House. 

Judge  Martin  died  in  the  prime  of  life.  He  was  twice 
married.  His  last  wife  was  a  young  lady  of  Maryland, 
whom  he  met  in  Washington.  Whilst  holding  court  at 
Greenville,  he  manifested  great  impatience  to  get 
through  with  the  business  and  return  home.  And  said 
to  me,  as  an  apology  for  his  impatience,  that  it  was 
natural  for  an  old  man  who  had  a  young  wife. 


HORATIO  SEYMOUR. 

TT74HK  selection  of  Horatio  Seymour  by  the  Demo- 
^JJ[  cratic  Convention  as  their  standard-bearer  in  the 
great  contest  between  civil  and  constitutional  liberty 
on  the  one  side,  and  military  despotism  on  the  other, 
shows  great  wisdom  and  good  judgment.  He  is  a  gen- 
tleman of  the  highest  and  ourest  character,  a  profound 
statesman,  and  a  consistent,  devoted  Democrat  through- 
out his  whole  life.  He  is  in  the  prime  of  his  manly  intel- 
lect, with  great  experience  as  an  administrative  officer, 
having  twice  filled,  with  signal  ability,  the  Executive 
chair  of  the  great  empire  State  of  this  Republic.  His 
mind  is  highly  cultivated  and  enriched  with  all  the 
stores  of  learning  and  practical  wisdom.  In  debate,  he 
is  able  and  eloquent.  His  manners  are  those  of  a  pol- 
ished gentleman,  warm,  cordial  and  sincere.  In  per- 
sonal appearance,  he  is  strikingly  prepossessing  and 
engaging.  His  manly  form  and  expressive  features,  are 
stamped  with  the  true  nobility  of  nature.  In  purpose, 
he  is  firm  and  self-reliant.  As  a  gallant  leader  and 
standard-bearer  of  the  great  Democratic  party  of  these 
United  States,  he  cannot  be  surpassed. 

Governor  Seymour  did  not  seek  the  nomination,  but 
it  sought  him,  amongst  all  the  distinguished  names 
which  were  before  the  convention.  After  ballotting  two 
or  three  days  without  success,  his  name  was  presented 
to  the  convention  by  the  great  State  of  Ohio,  against 
his  wishes  and  remonstrances,  and  received  the  unani- 
mous vote  of  every  State  on  the  first  ballot.  The  high 
honor  thus  tendered,  he  could  not  refuse,  but  it  was  re- 
luctantly accepted,  for  the  harmony  and  success  of  the 
Democratic  party. 

I  feel  assnred  that  Governor  Seymour  was  sincere  in 


154  Horatio  Seymour. 

declining  the  nomination  in  the  first  instance.  He  was 
president  of  the  convention,  and  when  North  Carolina 
voted  for  him,  he  said,  with  great  earnestness,  that  he 
was  not  a  candidate,  and  would  not  accept  the  nomi- 
nation. Honor,  he  said,  forbid  his  doing*  so.  When  he 
was  nominated  by  Ohio,  after  the  withdrawal  of  Pen- 
dleton, General  McCook  stated  that  honor  no  longer 
forbid  his  acceptance.  He  protested  again  against  his 
nomination.  General  McCook  said  that  he  knew  that 
Horatio  Seymour  did  not  seek  the  Presidency,  but  that 
the  Presidency  sought  him. 

This  expression  of  General  McCook  may  have  been  a 
little  premature.  It  will  be  seen  in  November  next, 
whether  the  Presidency  seeks  Governor  Seymour  or  Gen- 
eralGrant,  who  expressed  the  same  repugnance  to  his 
nomination  by  the  Republicans  twelve  months  ago. 
If  the  American  people  desire  to  continue  in  power  the 
present  Republican  party,  there  is  an  end  of  the  Re- 
public. 

(Note. — The  above  Sketch  was  written  in  1868.  just  after  Mr.  Seymour 
was  nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Democratic  party  in  the  New  York 
Convention  ) 


WILLIAM  GILMORE  SIMMS. 

]gV|OCTOR  SIMMS  is  well  known  as  a  poet  and  novel 
li-<  writei-,  and  had  his  destiny  been  cast  in  the  North, 
his  fame  would  have  been  greater  than  it  is.  He  would 
not  then  have  had  those  sectional  prejudices  to  contend 
with  as  a  man  of  literature.  He  is  a  strong  Southern 
man,  and  has  offended  the  North  by  his  political  opin- 
ions and  love  of  the  South.  In  return,  the  literary  men 
of  the  North  have  passed  him  over  in  silence,  in  puffing 
and  eulogizing  the  literature  of  the  United  States.  Many 
of  his  works  of  fiction  are  written  with  great  ability, 
and  would  do  credit  to  any  living  novelist.  They  have 
achieved  for  him,  in  spite  of  all  prejudice,  a  high  reputa- 
tion as  a  graphic  delineator  of  character  and  events. 
He  has  done  for  South  Carolina  what  Sir  Walter  Scott 
did  for  Scotland  and  Scottish  history.  The  scenes  of 
most  of  his  tales  are  laid  in  South  Carolina,  and  he  has 
incorporated  in  them  a  great  deal  of  our  colonial  and 
Revolutionary  history.  He  has  also  been  a  prolific  poet, 
but  I  do  not  think  his  poetry  has  been  appreciated  by 
the  American  public  as  his  novels  have. 

Doctor  Si  mm  s  is  a  native  South  Carolinian,  and  loves 
his  State  with  all  the  fervor  of  a  true  patriot.  He  com- 
menced his  literary  career  as  the  editor  of  a  paper  in 
Charleston,  shortly  after  his  admission  to  the  Bar.  The 
pleasures  of  literature  stole  him  from  his  profession. 
He  gave  it  up,  and  devoted  himself  to  fiction  and  poetry. 
He  met  with  great  success  in  his  earlier  efforts,  and  in 
the  better  days  of  the  Republic.  His  works  are  well 
known,  and  they  are  voluminous.  Besides  romances 
and  poetry,  Dr.  Simms  has  written  the  history  of  South 
Carolina,  and  other  valuable  books.  The  degree  of 
LL.  D.  was  conferred  on  him  on  account  of  his  learning 
and  reputation  as  a  writer. 


156  William  Gilmore  Simms. 

The  Doctor  was  originally  a  Union  man,  and  co- 
operated with  the  Union  party  of  South  Carolina  for 
many  years.  He  ultimately  gave  in  his  adhesion  to  the 
secession  party,  and  became  a  terrible  disunionist. 
During  the  war  which  ensued,  he  lost  all  of  his  property, 
and  had  his  dwelling  house  and  valuable  and  extensive 
library  destroyed  by  fire. 

Doctor  Simms  has  been  a  member  of  the  South  Caro- 
lina Legislature,  and  in  that  body  took  a  prominent 
part  as  a  speaker  in  all  the  debates.  He  spoke  well,  and 
always  commanded  the  attention  of  the  House.  He  has 
also  delivered  a  course  of  lectures  on  history,  both  at 
the  North  and  in  the  South,  with  considerable  success. 
He  is  a  great  talker,  and  I  have  known  few  persons  who 
talked  better.  He  is  a  most  genial  and  boon  companion. 
In  appearance,  he  is  fine  looking,  and  possesses  fine 
manners. 

I  have  been  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  Doctor  for 
many  years.  He  once  wrote  me  about  comingto  Green- 
ville to  deliver  his  course  of  lectures  on  history.  I  wrote 
him,  in  reply,  that  we  had  very  little  literary  taste  in 
Greenville,  and  I  did  not  think  that  he  would  meet  with 
that  success  which  his  lectures  merited.  But  that  if  he 
would  bring  with  him  a  show  of  any  kind,  a  circus,  or  a 
number  of  monkeys,  I  could  insure  him  success.  This 
disgusted  the  Doctor  so  much,  that  he  passed  through 
Greenville  without  stopping. 

In  a  preface  to  one  of  his  lectures  in  New  York,  just 
before  the  war,  he  said  to  his  audience,  that  he  heard 
the  complaint,  everywhere,  that  they  were  governed  by 
the  South.  In  reply  to  this  accusation,  he  told  them, 
that  when  he  witnessed  their  wealth  and  prosperity, 
their  commerceand  manufactures,  their  schools  and  col- 
leges, their  railroads,  towns  and  villages,  and  all  their 
works  of  art  and  improvements,  they  ought  to  thank 
their  God  for  such  go vprn merit.  If  he  could  have  fore- 
seen the  government  of  the  South,  under  the  rule  of  the 


William  Gilmore  Simms.  157 

Radical  North,  for  the  last  three  years,  in  poverty  and 
starvation,  with  desolated  fields  and  burnt  houses, 
Negro  supremacy  and  bayonets,  military  courts  for 
the  trial  of  citizens  and  cotton  thieves  and  carpet-bag- 
gers, how  terribly  he  might  have  contrasted  the  two 
governing-sand  rulings. 


I 


EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

|  WAS  not  favorably  impressed  by  Mr.  Stanton, 
when  I  first  called  to  see  him  ns  theSecretary  of  War. 
Governor  Orr  and  five  or  six  other  gentlemen  from 
South  Carolina  accompanied  me  in  my  call  on  Mr.  Stan- 
ton. President  Johnson,  after  hearing  my  account  of 
the  condition  of  South  Carolina,  was  so  much  pleased 
with  it,  that  he  requested  me  to  call  on  Mr.  Seward,  and 
tell  him  about  the  willingness  of  the  people  of  South 
Carolina  to  abolish  slavery,  reform  their  constitution 
and  return  to  the  Union.  I  thought  I  would  have  the 
same  talk  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  that  he  would  be 
equally  interested  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  in  hear- 
ing good  news  from  the  Palmetto  State.  He  listened 
awhile  and  seemed  indifferent  to  my  narrative.  He 
stopped  me  to  enquire  what  had  become  of  Frank 
Pickens.  I  replied  that  Governor  Pickens  was  still  re- 
siding on  his  plantation,  near  Edgefield  village,  in  South 
Carolina;  and  resumed  my  statements  as  to  the  feelings 
and  purposes  of  the  people  of  my  State.  He  again  en- 
quired about  some  one  else,  and  T  saw  that  he  was  not 
interested  in  my  report  to  the  War  office,  and  soon 
afterwards,  we  took  our  departure.  Twelve  months 
afterwards,  I  called  on  him  again,  to  settle  my  accounts 
as  Provisional  Governor.  lie  seemed  more  polite,  and 
treated  me  with  more  civility.  I  was  impressed,  how- 
ever, with  his  talents  and  ability  as  a  man  and  an 
officer.  He  is  a  stout,  good  looking  gentleman,  very 
calm  and  dignified  in  his  manners,  and  has  a  fine  head 
and  face.  He  managed  the  War  Department  with  great 
ability,  and  Mr.  Seward  said  his  administration  was  al- 
most Divine!  Colonel  Philips,  of  Mobile,  told  me  that 
he  and  Stanton  were  law  partners  in  Washington,  just 


Edwin  M.  Stanton.  159 

before  the  war  broke  out,  and  that  Stanton  was  then 
more  of  a  Southern  man  in  his  feelings  than  he  was  him- 
self. It  is  a  well  known  fact,  that  he  said  to  Senator 
Brown,  as  he  was  leaving  the  Senate  Chamber  to  return 
to  Mississippi  after  that  State  had  seceded,  that  he  did 
not  see  how  he  could  do  otherwise.  What  changes  come 
over  politicians  1  How  few  are  governed  by  principle, 
and  what  a  small  number  have  any  regard' for  consis- 
tency! It  is  always  the  case,  too,  that  a  political  rene- 
gade is  fiercer  in  his  warfare  against  his  former 
friends  and  associates  than  an  original  and  consistent 
opponent.  In  other  words,  new  converts,  in  politics, 
as  well  as  in  religion,  have  to  show  more  zeal  and  inter- 
est to  prove  the  sincerity  of  their  conversion,  which  is 
generally  doubted  by  friends  and  foes. 

This  has   been   remarkably  the  case  with    Edwin   M. 
Stanton,  who  was  originally  a  Democrat,  and  Attorney- 
General  under  President  Buchanan.     He  has  persecuted 
and  pursued  with  a  fiery  zeal  those  at  the  South  with 
whom  he  deeply  sympathized  whilst  he  was  a  Democrat. 
The  War  Department  was  the  reward   of  his  political 
apostasy.     He  remained   in   the    Cabinet    of  President 
Johnson  for  the  purpose  of  thwarting  his  policy   and 
subserving  the  usurpations  and  despotism  of  the  Radi- 
cals.    He  did  what  Senator  Sherman,  a  leader  of  the 
Radical  party,  declared  no  honorable  man    would   do 
remain  in  the  Cabinet  of  a  President,  after  an   intima- 
tion that  his  presence  and  services,  as  an  adviser  of  his 
chief,  were  not  acceptable  to    him.     But  the  most  re- 
markable fact,  that  has  ever  occurred  in   the  history  of 
government,  was  his  advising  President  Johnson,  that 
the  act  of  Congress  depriving  the  President  of  the  right 
of  dismissing  a  member  of  the  Cabinet   was   unconstitu- 
tional, and  then   attempting  to  hold   his  Cabinet  ap- 
pointment under  this  act,  after  his  dismissal  from  office. 
It  shows  two  qualities  which  Mr.  Stanton  must  possess 
in  an  eminent  degree,  boldness  and  utter  destitution  of 


160  Edwin  M.  Stanton. 

shame.  But  instead  of  removing  the  President,  and 
disgracing  the  chief  magistrate  of  a  great  Republic,  he 
removed  himself,  and  has  retired,  covered  with  eternal 
infamv. 


|@[;'^ 


ANDREW  W.  THOMSON. 

HIS  gentleman  was  at  the  time  of  his  death,  the 
oldest  practicing  lawyer  in  the  State.  He  seemed 
to  be,  when  I  last  saw  him,  in  a  ripe  old  age,  with  body 
and  mind  well  preserved,  and  as  full  of  life  and  spirit  as 
he  ever  was.  His  death  was  very  sudden.  I  knew 
Wallace  Thomson,  as  he  was  generally  called,  about 
forty  years,  and  had  a  great  deal  of  intercourse  with 
him  on  the  circuit,  and  in  Columbia,  attending  the  Court 
of  Appeals,  and  the  sessions  of  the  Legislature.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  Legislature,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
terms,  from  1824,  up  to  the  period  of  his  death,  a  few 
years  since.  AVe  have  passed  many  pleasant  hours  to- 
gether, and  had  a  great  many  jokes  on  each  other.  Fie 
was  a  genial,  sociable  and  warmed-hearted  gentleman. 
He  was  kind  and  generous,  and  hospitable.  I  had  for 
him  throughout  our  whole  acquaintance,  a  very  sincere 
regard ;  and  nothing  ever  occurred,  at  the  bar,  or  in  the 
Legislature,  or  in  our  private  intercourse,  to  mar  or  in- 
terrupt for  a  moment  our  kind  feelings  and  regard  for 
each  other. 

Mr.  Thomson  was  born  in  Maryland,  but  brought  up 
and  educated  in  South  Carolina.  I  have  heard  it  said, 
as  a  remarkable  fact,  that  all  of  the  Marylanders  who 
have  figured  in  South  Carolina,  were  somewhat  eccentric 
or  had  singular  traits  of  character.  In  illustration  of 
the  truth  of  this  assertion,  reference  was  made  to  Judge 
Gantt,  Caleb  Clark,  for  many  years  Solicitor  of  the  mid- 
dle circuit,  Major  Smart,  a  practicingiawyer  at  Camden, 
and  A.  Wallace  Thomson.  Mr.  Thomson  was,  in  some 
respects,  different  from  ordinary  men,  and  superior  to 
ordinary  men.  He  was  the  most  pertinacious  man  in 
clinging  to  his  opinions  that  I  ever  met,  and  some  of  his 


162  Andrew  W.  Thomson. 

notions  were  very  crude  and  outre.  At  the  Bar  be  could 
see  and  make  more  points  in  his  case  than  any  other 
lawyer.  The  opposite  counsel,  and  the  court  too, 
thought  frequently  the  points  made,  were  no  points  at 
all.  But  if  His  Honor  decided  against  him,  he  was  sure 
to  take  an  appeal.  I  once  knew  him  to  appeal  in  a  case 
when  the  Judge  had  decided  everything  in  his  favor. 

Mr.  Thomson  was  a  well  read  lawyer,  and  a  good  law- 
yer. He  had  a  very  extensive  practice  at  Union,  York, 
Chester,  Spartanburg  and  Laurens,  in  his  younger  days, 
but  as  age  crept  on  him,  I  noticed  that  his  practice  fell 
off.  Clients  generally  think  that  a  young  lawyer  has 
more  energy  and  zeal  in  conducting  a  case,  than  an  old 
one,  and  they  are  not  far  from  being  correct.  Shortly 
after  the  termination  of  the  war,  1  attended  Union 
Court,  which  is  out  of  my  circuit,  to  attend  to  an 
important  case  there,  and  was  surprised  to  see  that  my 
friend  Thomson  was  nearly  out  of  practice  in  the  Equity 
Court.  Youiurer  lawyers  had  monopolized  the  business. 
There  is  a  time  for  all  things,  we  are  told  in  the  Bible, 
and  after  being  at  the  Bar  for  more  than  half  acentury, 
it  is  time  for  a  lawyer  to  quit  business,  and  prepare  for 
his  appearance  at  the  other  Bar,  where  there  is  no  ap- 
peal for  him  or  his  clients. 

The  first  time  lever  saw  Wallace  Thomson  was  the 
spring  after  my  admission  to  the  Bar.  at  Spartanburg. 
He  was  defending  DelilaLand  for  stealing  feathers.  The 
court  was  sitting  in  the  old  jail,  and  Judge  James  was 
presiding.  The  old  Court  House  had  been  torn  down, 
and  the  present  building  was  being  erected.  I  reached 
Spartanburg  late  Monday  morning,  in  company  with 
my  old  friend,  Benjamin  Saxon.  We  went  immediately 
to  the  Court  House,  or  jail,  where  the  court  was  sitting, 
and  as  I  stepped  in,  Mr.  Thomson  was  in  the  midst  of 
his  argument.  I  was  greatly  amused  at  his  speech,  the 
character  of  the  case,  and  the  appearance  of  the  court 
and  its  surroundings.    1  had   read,   in   Blackstone,  of 


Andrew  VV.  Thomson.  163 

''Pieponder  Courts,"  the  lowest  courts  mentioned  by 
the  learned  commentator,  as  existing  in  I^ngland,  and  I 
was  reminded  of  this  humble  court.  But  business  was 
not  dispatched  so  quickly.  Blackstonesays,  if  I  remem- 
ber correctly,  the  court  was  so  called,  because  it  dis- 
patched business  as  quick  as  one  could  shake  dust  from 
his  feet.  Delila  was  convicted  of  petty  larceny,  by  a 
jury  of  her  peers,  and  Mr.  Thomson  took  an  appeal. 
The  law  then  was  the  Court  of  Appeals  would  hear  no 
criminal  case  unless  the  defendant  was  present  in  court 
at  the  argument  of  the  appeal,  Delila  had  to  go  to  Co- 
lumbia,  and  she  walked  all  the  way,  about  a  hundred 
miles.  The  next  fall,  Mr.  Thomson  moved  by  the  hard- 
ship of  his  client,  introduced  a  bill  to  dispense  with  the 
necessity  of  the  defendant  being  present  in  the  Appeal 
Court,  except  in  case  of  cafiled  felonies. 

During  our  political  excitement,  Mr.  Thomson  was,  in 
the  beginning,  inclined  to  be  a  Union  man,  but  the 
popular  current  in  favor  of  Nullification  and  disunion, 
set  in  too  strong  for  him  to  resist  it.  I  have  frequently 
thought  that  he  was  like  the  converted  Jews  in  Spain, 
mentioned  by  Borrow,  in  his  interesting  book  on  Spain. 
He  said  the  inquisition  had  converted  them  outwardly, 
but  at  heart  they  were  still  Jews,  and  secretly  kept  up 
their  ancient  mode  of  worship.  Mr.  Thomson  sailed 
under  the  Nullification  flag,  but  he  long  entertained  a 
tender  feeling  for  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  In  1851  and 
1852,  when  the  whole  State  w?/,  going,  as  Judge  Evans 
said,  for  Secession  by  default,  we  started  the  Southern 
Patriot  at  Greenville,  as  a  Union  paper.  Mr.  Thomson 
enquired  of  me  when  we  met  at  Spartanburg  court  that 
spring,  if  1  had  a  copy  of  the  Patriot  with  me?  He  took 
it  and  read  it  through,  and  eagerly  sought  for  the 
subsequent  numbers.  Judge  Dawkins  was  a  subscriber, 
and  in  this  way  Thomson  had  access  to  the  paper  with- 
out incurring  the  odium  of  being  a  subscriber  and 
patron  of  such  heresies.    That  summer  I  met  my  friend 


164  Andrew  W.  Thomson. 

Thomson  at  a  regimental  muster  in  Greenville,  and  he 
proposed  to  introduce  me  to  Judge  Farmer,  and  said 
i£  he  was  one  of  our  sort."  I  replied  that  I  should  be  very 
glad  to  see  Farmer,  for  he  was  an  old  acquaintance  of 
mine.  That  fall,  Governor  Manning  and  Thomson  were 
in  company  with  a  number  of  voters  in  Columbia;  who 
were  cursing  the  Southern  Patriot  in  very  strong  terms, 
and  some  one  of  the  company  appealed  to  Thomson  for 
his  opinion,  as  to  the  character  of  the  paper.  The  Gov- 
ernor saw  that  he  was  in  a  tight  place,  and  he  excused 
himself  by  saying  that  he  did  not  take  the  paper,  and 
knew  very  little  about  it.  When  Governor  Manning  told 
me  this,  I  repeated  what  Thomson  had  said  at  the  regi- 
mental muster,  and  his  anxiety  at  all  times  to  see  the 
Patriot.  This  was  too  good  a  joke  for  me  to  keep,  and 
I  told  it  frequently  in  Thomson's  presence. 

As  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  Mr.  Thomson  took  a 
very  active  part  in  all  the  discussions  of  the  house.  He 
was  good  in  making  suggestions,  and  capital  in  taking 
exceptions.  All  his  associates  in  the  Legislature— and 
they  were  very  many  during  the  forty  years  he  served 
there— had  great  respect  for  him.  He  had  his  hobbies, 
and  odd  notiuns  at  which  we  all  laughed  heartily.  He 
was  often  fractious,  too,  but  we  all  took  it  in  good  part, 
knowing  as  we  did  his  really  good  qualities.  He  mani- 
fested the  same  deportment  at  the  Bar,  and  on  one  oc- 
casion, he  and  Colonel  Herndon  got  into  a  regular  fisti- 
cuff in  open  court.  A  terrible  tumult  ensued,  and  the 
court  was  instantly  converted  into  a  great  mob.  Judge 
Gantt  was  presiding.  He  called  in  the  Sheriff  to  keep 
order.  But  there  was  so  much  excitement  no  one  heeded 
the  Judge.  All  were  taking  sides  for  Thomson  or 
Herndon,  and  shouting  for  one  or  the  other.  The  Judge 
picked  up  a  constable's  staff,  and  seemed  to  be  standing 
on  the  defensive.  This  excited  the  sympathies  of  a  huge 
bully  who  was  in  court,  and  whilst  others  were 
espousing  one  side  or  the  other  of  the  combatants,  he 


A n dbs w  W .Thomson .  1 65 

cried  out  at  the  top)  of  his  voice  that  he  took  sides  with 
the  Judge.  When  order  was  restored,  the  court  fined 
both  of  the  gentlemen  five  hundred  dollars  each,  and 
scratched  their  names  from  the  roll  of  Attorneys.  But 
the  case  went  up  to  the  Court  of  Appeals,  and  was  ad- 
justed in  some  way.  Thomson  and  Herndon  became 
good  friends  afterwards,  and  I  know  that  when  the  Col- 
onel died,  Thomson  felt  his  death  very  much. 

To  the  credit  of  Mr.  Thomson,  it  may  be  said,  that 
during  all  the  time  he  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature, 
he  never  was  a  candidate  for  office  or  sought  to  be  a 
candidate  for  any  office  within  the  gift  of  the  Legis- 
lature. He  w-as  satisfied  with  being  "the  mem- 
ber from  Union,'"  whilst  his  associates  were  scrambling 
for  honors  and  office.  Mr.  Thomson  was  in  possession 
of  a  large  property  before  the  war,  made  by  his  honest 
industry,  and  devotion  to  his  profession. 


DAVID  LEWIS  WARDLAW 


TRUDGE  WARDLAW,  an  eminent  lawyer,  legislator 
LJ  and  jurist,  a  high-toned  and  honorable  gentleman, 
greatly  esteemed  by  all  who  knew  him  for  the  qualities 
of  his  head  and  heart,  departed  this  life  a  short  time 
since,  full  of  years  and  full  of  honors.  The  distinguished 
men  of  South  Carolina,  they  who  gave  character  to  the 
State  and  made  hex-  proudly  eminent  amongst  her  peers, 
in  a  past  and  better  age,  are  dropping  off  one  by  one, 
as  if  their  pure  spirits  could  bear  no  longer  the  present 
demoralization  and  degradation  of  her  people.  Long- 
will  it  be  under  the  present  corrupt  regime  and  dis- 
honored public  sentiment,  before  we  can  hope  to  see 
their  like  again  in  high  and  honored  positions.  Sad  in- 
deed is  the  contrast  between  the  times,  in  which  Judge 
Wardlaw  was  crowned  with  the  honors  of  the  State,  for 
his  purity  of  character,  learning,  talents  and  patriotic 
service,  and  the  present  age  in  which  all  these  high  and 
noble  qualities  are  barriers  to  distinction  in  public  life. 
My  acquaintance  with  Judge  Wardlaw  commenced  in 
1824.  He  was  then  a  young  lawyer  with  a  high  reputa- 
tion at  the  Bar.  He  came  to  Greenville  to  argue  an  im- 
portant case  in  which  Judge  Earle  had  been  employed, 
but  felt  a  delicacy  in  conducting,  as  the  defendant  had 
been  acting  under  his  legal  advice  in  the  case  for  which 
he  was  then  sued  as  a  tresspasser.  I  was  then  struck 
with  his  modest  demeanor,  pleasant  manners  and  great 
sociability.  His  argument  in  the  case  was  clear,  lucid 
and  able,  as  all  of  his  speeches  at  the  Bar  were  in  after 
life.  I  had  occasions,  after  my  admission  to  the  Bar, 
to  reel  the  force  and  power  of  his  intellect  and  learning. 
When  Judge  Earle  was  elected  to  the  Bench,  Judge 
Wardlaw  took  his  place  and  fell  heir  to  his  professional 


David  Lewis  Wardlaw.  167 

business  in  partnership  with  William  Choice,  Esq.  He 
attended  Greenville  Court  regularly  till  he  was  pro- 
moted to  a  seat  on  the  Bench.  We  were  very  often  em- 
ployed on  different  sides  of  the  same  ease,  and  some- 
times employed  on  the  same  side  of  the  same  ease.  This 
frequently  happened  in  capital  cases.  Our  association 
in  the  Legislature  was  likewise  for  many  years.  For 
more  than  twenty-five  years  I  had  the  pleasure  of  prac- 
ticing before  him  as  a  Judge.  Our  acquaintance,  thus- 
intimate,  wanted  but  one  year  at  his  death,  of  being  a 
half  century. 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  forming  the  acquaintance  of 
Judge  Wardlaw's  venerable  father,  the  Spring  after  my 
admission  to  the  Bar.  He  was  then  Clerk  of  the  Court 
at  Abbeville,  and  had  been  for  many,  years.  He  was 
elected  by  the  Legislature,  and  continued  in  office  dur- 
ing pleasure,  or  good  behavior.  He  was  a  remarkably 
fine  looking,  courtly  old  gentleman,  and  reminded  me 
every  time  I  looked  at  him  of  the  likeness  of  Jefferson. 
There  was  something  strikingly  similar  in  their  features. 
He  was  tall  and  commanding  in  his  appearance,  and  a 
much  larger  man  than  any  of  his  sons.  He  lived  to  a 
good  old  age,  and  resigned  the  office  of  clerk  many 
years  before  his  death. 

Judge  Wardlaw  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  child 
born  in  the  village  of  Abbeville.  But  this  must  be  a 
mistake,  as  the  County  was  laid  out  in  1778,  and  a 
"court  house,  jail,  pillory  and  whipping  post  "  ordered 
to  be  erected  on  some  suitable  place,  selected  for  a 
county  seat.  The  Judge  was  not  born  till  1799,  and  it 
would  be  an  extraordinary  circumstance  for  a  village  to 
exiatten  or  twelve  years  in  South  Carolina  without  a  birth 
in  it!  But  he  was  born,  and  lived  all  his  life,  died  in  the 
seventy-fifth  year  of  his  age,  in  the  village  of  Abbeville. 
How  few  great  men  in  America  have  done  this?  Indeed, 
there  is  not  one  man,  great  or  humble,  in  ten  thousand 
who  has  done  so.     It   was  said   by  an   English   writer, 


168  David  Lewis  Wardlaw. 

who  traveled  in  the  United  States,  that  the  Americans 
were  born  moving,,  lived  moving:,  and  died  moving! 
Judge  Wardlaw  was  educated  at  Dr.  Wad  dell's  famous 
school,  at  Wellington,  in  Abbeville  District,  where  Cal- 
houn, Crawford,  MeDuffie,  Petigru,  Legare,  Long-street 
and  a  host  of  other  great  men  received  their  classical 
education.  At  this  school,  Judge  Wardlaw  was  distill- 
guised,  though  a  small  boy,  for  his  excellence  in  public 
.speaking-.  He  entered  the  South  Carolina  College  very 
young-,  and  graduated  with  the  first  honor  of  his  class. 
What  is  remarkable,  his  brother,  Chancellor  Wardlaw. 
graduated  the  next  year,  in  the  same  college,  and 
received  the  first  honor  of  his  class.  This,  I  will 
venture  to  say,  has  rarely  happened  in  any  other  family 
in  South  Carolina,  or  the  United  States. 

Judge  Wardlaw  read  law  in  the  office  of  Governor 
Noble,  and  formed  a  partnership  with  him  after  his  ad- 
mission to  the  Bar.  Thev  continued  in  partnership  till 
it  was  manifest  the  interest  of  both  to  dissolve  it.  In- 
stead of  having-  only  one  side  of  a  case,  by  practicing 
separately,  they  might  be  employed  on  both  sides. 
Whilst-they  were  partners  in  law,  one  was  President  of 
the  State  Senate,  and  the  other  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  As  a  lawyer,  Judge  Wardlaw  had 
few  equals  in  the  State.  He  was  well  read  in  his  profes- 
sion, took  great  pains  in  preparing  his  cases  and  always 
argued  them  vyith  great  ability.  He  spoke  well,  fluently 
and  logically,  and  his  language  was  always  chaste  and 
correct.  He  was  not  a  vehement  or  impassioned 
speaker,  and  never  indulged  in  rhetorical  displays, 
either  at  the  Bar  or  in  the  Legislature.  His  mind  was 
essen  ti  ally  1  ogi  cal . 

In  1836,  I  think  it  was,  he  was  elected  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  Colonel  Davie,  Colonel  McCord 
and  Judge  Wardlaw  were  all  candidates  tor  the  Speaker's 
chair.  There  were  twenty  or  thirty  Union  members  of 
the  House,  at  that  time,  and  we  had  a  consultation  as 


David  Lewis  Wardlaw.  169 

to  whom  we  should  east  our  votes  for  Speaker.  I  urged 
the  claims  of  Judge  Wardlaw,  and  it  was  finally  deter- 
mined that  we  should  all  unite  on  him.  This  elected 
him.  Never  was  there  a  presiding  officer  of  that  House 
who  discharged  the  onerous  duties  of  the  chair,  with 
more  ability,  impartiality  and  dispatch,  or  more  to  the 
satisfaction  of  its  members.  He  wa&  courteous,  digni- 
fied and  prompt.  No  one  understood  parliamentary 
usages  better  than  he  did.  Whilst  Speaker,  he  compiled 
a  book  of  rules  for  the  Government  of  the  House. 
Judge  Wardlaw  was,  in  no  sense  of  the  word,  a  politi- 
cian, but  a  statesman,  wise  and  patriotic,  governed  by 
principle,  and  the  conviction  of  his  own  judgment. 
When  he  once  took  his  position,  he  was  immovable. 
Neither  popular  clamor,  nor  party  interest  could  swerve 
him.  I  remember,  in  1860,  when  the  revolutionary  ball 
was  set  in  motion,  Judge  Wardlaw  saw  the  ruin  and 
misery  which  would  be  the  consequence  to  the  State. 
There  was  a  large  and  excited  public  meeting  at  Abbe- 
ville Court  House.  He  attended  the  meeting  and  ad- 
dressed it.  The  friends  of  separate  secession  attempted 
to  put  him  down,  and  silence  him  by  angry  demonstra- 
tions. But  boldly  and  unflinchingly  he  told  them  he 
would  speak  and  portray  the  evils  which  they  were 
about  to  bring  on  their  country.  Like  a  true  patriot 
he  did  all  he  could  to  prevent  the  issue,  but  when  it  was 
made,  his  duty  and  love  of  country  made  him  sustain 
it  with  all  his  power  and  influence. 

As  a  Judge  he  was  eminent  among  his  learned  asso- 
ciates on  the  Bench.  I  thought  he  was  the  model  of  a 
circuit  Judge.  He  was  familiar  with  all  of  our  statutes 
and  the  decisions  of  our  courts.  He  was  also  pro- 
foundly read  in  all  the  law,  of  the  common  law,  and  well 
acquainted  with  the  decisions  of  the  English  courts. 
On  the  Bench  he  was  patient,  laborious,  courteous  and 
dignified.  His  opinions  in  the  Court  of  Appeals  as  re- 
ported in  our   Law   Reports,  are  a  monument  of  his 


170  David  Lewis  Wardlaw. 

learning',  ability  and  research.  Their  language  and 
style  are  eminently  judicial,  and  if  they  have  any  fault, 
it  may  be  that  they  are  sometimes  too  prolix.  But 
this  was  owing  to  his  great  anxiety  to  prevent  any  mis- 
construction of  his  views.  I  have  seen  him  sit  in  our 
court  very  often  from  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  till 
ten,  eleven  and  twelve  o'clock  at  night,  with  only  an  in- 
termission of  one  hour  for  dinner!  A  singular  circum- 
stance once  happened  whilst  he  was  presiding  at  Ander- 
son court,  showing  his  sensibility  to  pain  and  suffering. 
A  doctor  was  being  examined  as  to  some  disease  and 
wound.  He  minutely  described  the  case,  and  Judge 
Wardlaw  fainted  on  the  bench,  whilst  taking  notes  of 
the  doctor's  testimony. 

Judge  Wardlaw  was  a  fine  scholar,  and  his  reading 
was  very  extensive.  He  was  fond  of  polite  literature  and 
read  novels,  poetry  and  reviews  with  great  zest.  AVhilst 
on  the  circuit  and  traveling,  he  had  a  singular  propen- 
sity of  sending  to  the  hotel  keeper  to  send  him  a  book 
to  read,  leaving  the  selection  of  the  book  to  the  taste 
of  "  mine  host."  He  said  it  was  amusing  very  often  to 
see  the  selection  made  for  him.  T  rememberonce  adopt- 
ing the  Judge's  suggestion  out  of  curiosity,  and  the 
hotel  keeper  sent  me  the  Bible  and  Parry's  Expedition 
in  the  Polar  Seas.  The  Judge  was  a  very  pleasant  and 
agreeable  gentleman  in  conversation.  He  was  fond  of 
chatting  with  the  members  of  the  Bar  in  the  evening 
and  talked  well.  He  enjoyed  greatly  a  good  joke  and 
laughed  over  it  heartily.  In  1867,  we  were  delegates  to 
the  Philadelphia  Convention  and  traveled  together  with 
a  good  many  other  gentlemen.  The  party  enjoyed 
themselves  as  much  perhaps  as  ever  a  party  of  gentle- 
men did  in  traveling  by  railway.  In  Philadelphia,  the 
Judge  was  robbed  of  his  pocket  book  and  five  hundred 
dollars  in  cash.  We  were  getting  on  the  street  cars,  and 
there  was  a  great  rush  to  mount  the  platform.  A  man 
standing  in  the  crowd  said  to  the  Judge:  "Have  you 


David  Lewis  Wardlaw.  171 

not  been  robbed  of  jour  pocket  book  !"  The  Judge  felt 
for  his  pocket  book,  and  sure  enough  it  was  gone.  The 
man  said  :  "  There  goes  the  fellow  who  I  think  took  it." 
They  went  in  pursuit  of  him,  but  he  gave  them  the 
dodge.  Very  likely  the  man  who  was  so  kind  in  giving 
information  was  himself  the  thief. 

In  1866,  Judge  Wardlaw,  Judge  Dawkins  and  the  Hon- 
orable Alfred  Huger,  were  sent  to  Washington,  by  the 
State  Convention,  to  ask  the  release  of  Jefferson  Davis.  I 
gave  him  a  letter  of  introducton  to  President  Johnson. 
The  Judge  was  very  much  pleased  with  the  President. 
He  told  me  that  no  stranger  would  have  taken  Johnson 
for  a  politician,  that  he  had  the  appearance  and  man- 
ners of  a  student  and  literary  man.  Andrew  Johnson 
was  all  his  life  a  student,  and  he  might  be  called  a  self 
taught  literary  man,  for  he  was  well  informed  on  most 
subjects,  and  had  read  a  great  deal. 

Judge  Wardlaw  compiled  a  very  useful  book  of  forms 
for  the  officers  of  court.  His  friends  suggested  him  for 
the  office  of  Codifier  of  the  statute  laws  of  South  Caro- 
lina, but  he  would  not  permit  his  name  to  be  brought 
forward  in  competition  with  his  life-long  friend  James 
L.  Petigru,  to  whom  the  office  was  assigned  by  the 
Legislature.  Mr.  Petigru  executed  the  work  with  great 
ability,  and,  although  the  work  was  never  adopted  by 
the  Legislature,  yet  it  will  remain  forever  a  monument 
of  the  learning  and  ability  of  the  author. 

Judge  Wardlaw  married  early  in  life  a  most  beauti- 
and  charming  lady,  who  died  many  years  since;  but 
true  to  his  early  love  and  devotion  to  the  memory  of 
his  wife,  he  never  sought  to  place  another  in  her  posi- 
tion. 

Well  may  Abbeville  be  proud  of  her  sons.  Few  dis- 
tricts in  the  State,  if  any,  have  produced  such  an  array 
of  talent  as  Abbeville.  She  gave  birth  to  Calhoun, 
Cheves,  Petigru,  Chancellor  Wardlaw,  Judge  Wardlaw. 
Governor  Noble,  Chancellor  Bowie,  and  was  the  home 


172        David  Lewis  Wakdlaw. 

of  Mr.  McDuffie  from  his  boyhood.  She  likewise  could 
once  claim  as  her  citizen,  William  H.  Crawford,  the 
greatest  of  all  Georgia's  great  statesmen. 

When  the  venerable  Chancellor  DeSaussure  resigned 
his  office  on  account  of  his  years  and  infirmities,  he  pre- 
sented his  silk  gown  to  Judge  Wardlaw,  who  was  then 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  expressed 
a  wish  that  he  might  be  his  successor  on  the  Chancery 
Bench.  It  was  greatly  to  my  interest,  at  that  time,  to 
have  Judge  Wardlaw  elected  and  taken  out  of  my  way 
at  the  Bar.  I  was  on  terms  of  great  intimacy  with  him, 
and  had  the  highest  regard  for  his  learning  and  talents. 
But  I  voted  for  Chancellor  Dunkin,  because  I  thought 
Charleston  was  entitled  to  have  a  Chancellor,  where 
most  of  the  chancery  business  of  the  State  was  trans- 
acted. When  Judge  Gantt  resigned,  Judge  Wardlaw 
was  elected  to  fill  his  place  on  the  law  Bench,  without 
opposition,  I  think.  Whilst  Judge  Wardlaw  was  on  the 
Bench,  the  trustees  of  the  South  Carolina  College  had  to 
elect  a  Pesident  of  the  College.  In  casting  about  for  a 
suitable  person,  I  thought  of  Judge  Wardlaw,  and 
mentioned  his  name  to  others,  who  approved  my  selec- 
tion. His  pleasant  manners,  tact  in  governing,  and 
scholarly  attainments,  were  well  suited  to  make  him  a 
popular  president  of  the  institution.  I  wrote  him  urging 
his  acceptance  of  the  position,  but  he  promptly  declined, 
and  Judge  Longstreet  was  elected. 


HENRY  C.  YOUNG. 


tHAVE  known  in  the  course  of  my  life,  now  verging 
on  three  score  and  ten,  many  worthy  and  excellent 
men,  fair-minded  and  pure-hearted  gentlemen,  sincere 
in  every  thought,  word  and  action  ;  kind,  amiable  and 
honorable,  by  nature  as  well  as  education  ;  but  I  never 
knew  one  who  possessed  all  these  estimable  and  noble 
qualities  in  a  higher  degree  than  Henry  Clinton  Young, 
Esq.,  of  Laurens,  S.  C.  It  was  my  jrood  fortune  to  have 
been  on  terms  of  great  intimacy  with  him  for  more  than 
the  third  of  a.  century,  and  to  have  enjoyed  his  cordial 
and  unbroken  friendship  during  the  whole  of  this  period. 
Never,  to  my  knowledge  was  there  a  hard  or  unkind 
feeling  between  us,  and  I  know  there  never  was  on  my 
part.  We  rode  the  Western  Circuit  together  for  thirty- 
years,  and  generally  employed  on  opposite  sides  inmost 
of  our  practice.  There  were  no  railroads  in  those  days, 
and  lawyers  traveled  from  court  to  court,  first  in  their 
sulkies,  and  then,  as  civilization  and  improvement  pro- 
gressed, in  their  buggies  and  carriages.  We  stopped 
between  court  houses,  at  some  cool  spring,  on  the  road- 
side, and  took  a  lunch,  at  one  or  two  o'clock ;  rested  an 
hour  or  two  under  a  shade  if  the  weather  was  warm,  or 
built  a  fire  if  it  was  cold ;  cracked  our  jokes,  told  our 
stories,  smoked  our  cigars  (pipes  were  not  then  in  vogue 
with  gentlemen,)  and  took  a  glass  of  wine  or  a  glass  of 
brandy.  In  the  same  style  we  traveled  to  Columbia, 
twice  every  year,  to  attend  the  Court  of  Appeals 
and  the  sitting  of  the  Legislature.  Mr.  Young  and 
myself  served  together  many  years  in  both  branches 
of  the  Legislature,  and  sat  at  the  same  desk  whilst  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate,  and  always  boarded  at  the  same 
hotel.    But  notwithstanding   this  intimacy  and    close 


174  Henry  C.  Young. 

association  for  so  long  a  time  we  differed  widely  in  our 
political  views  and  sentiments.  He  was  a  warm  and 
zealous  Nullifier,  Secessionist  and  Disunionist — whilst  I 
was  equally  as  firm  and  consistent  a  devotee  to  the  Fed- 
eral Union 

Mi*.  Young  was  born  in  North  Carolina,,  but  his  father 
moved  to  Laurens  District  whilst  he  was  quite  a  boy, 
and  settled  at  the  place  afterwards  known  as  "Young's 
Store,"  where  he  lived  to  an  advanced  old  age,  and  died 
respected  and  esteemed  by  all  who  knew  him.  He  was  a 
planter  and  merchant  and  served  his  District  in  the 
State  Convention  of  1832,  whilst  his  son,  Henry,  was  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  which  called  the  Convention 
together.  In  the  Legislature  preceding  this,  all  the 
members  from  Laurens  were  Union  men,  except  Henry 
C.  Young.  He  was  so  popular,  and  so  great  a  favorite 
with  the  people,  that  they  elected  him  in  spite  of  his 
politics.  The  other  leading  Nullifiers  of  Laurens,  Gene- 
ral Thomas  F.  Jones  and  Colonel  James  H.  Irby,  were 
beaten  by  Union  men.  A  higher  compliment  to  Mr. 
Young's  fairness,  integrity  and  uprightness  could  not 
have  been  paid  him,  for  party  spirit  ran  high  at  that 
time,  and  was  bitter  throughout  the  State. 

Mr.  Young's  early  education  was  defective,  and  he 
never  graduated,  or  went  to  any  college.  He  read  law 
at  Laurens  Court  House,  and  was  admitted  to  the  Bar 
when  he  was  twenty-two  years  old.  He  formed  a  co- 
partnership with  Colonel  Dowries,  a  prominent  lawyer 
of  his  day,  with  an  extensive  practice,  and  for  ten  years 
Mr.  Young  never  attempted  to  argue  a  casein  court! 
This  always  devolved  on  his  senior  partner.  How  many 
young  lawyers  are  kept  in  the  background  for  years,  by 
an  injudicious  partnership  with  an  old  member  of  the 
Bar?  It  is  always  better  for  a  young  man  to  start 
alone  in  his  profession.  He  soon  acquires  self  reliance 
and  the  habit  of  speaking  if  he  has  no  senior  partner. 
In  the  fall  after  my    admission  to  the  Bar,  I  went  to 


Henry  C.  Young.  175 

Laurens  court  with  Judge  Huger,  and  we  stopped  at 
Mr.  Harvey  Cleveland's.  Mr.  Young  called  to  see  the 
Judge,  after  having  argued  some  important  criminal 
casein  court  that  day.  The  Judge  complimented  him 
on  his  speech,  and  I  remember  Mr.  Young  said  it  was 
the  first  speech  he  had  ever  made  in  court,  although  he 
had  been  practicing  law  ten  years!  From  that  day  to 
the  day  of  his  retirement  from  the  Bar,  Mr.  Young  never 
failed  to  argue  his  cases  with  great  ability  and  learning- 
He  was  a  very  fluent  and  pleasant  speaker,  and  always 
spoke  with  great  zeal  and  animation,  tersely  and  to  the 
points  of  his  case.  I  have  heard  him  make  many  able 
and  exhaustive  arguments,  both  on  the  Circuit  and  in 
the  Court  of  Appeals.  For  many  years,  it  may  be  said, 
he  stood  at  the  head  of  our  Bar,  and  perhaps  had  a  more 
extensive  practice  than  any  lawyer  on  the  Western 
Circuit.  He  had  a  partner  at  every  court  house  on  the 
Circuit,  and  never  failed  to  attend  all  the  courts.  I  have 
no  doubt  his  practice  was  much  more  extensive  than 
profitable.  Local  partners  may  bring  business  to  an 
eminent  lawyer,  but  I  doubt  whether  they  bring  profit. 
Mr.  Young  was  likewise  \evy  negligent  in  collecting  his 
counsel  fees  and  tax  costs.  Many  a  lawyer,  with  his 
practice,  would  have  made  five  times  the  money  he  did. 
His  charges  were  always  moderate,  much  less  than  those 
of  other  lawyers  on  the  circuit,  and  then  he  never  made 
any  effort  to  collect  his  fees,  or  have  settlements  with 
his  partners.  If  his  clients  and  partners  saw  fit  to  pay 
him  anything,  it  was  very  well— and  if  they  did  not,  they 
were  in  no  danger  of  being  dunned  by  him. 

Although  Mr.  Young,  after  ten  years  silence,  oncoming 
to  the  Bar,  became  a  great  and  most  successful  advo- 
cate in  civil  and  criminal  cases,  speaking  every  day,  at 
every  court  he  attended— yet,  strange  to  say,  he  rarely 
if  ever  attempted  to  speak  in  the  Legislature.  I  served 
with  him  certainly  fifteen  or  twenty  years  in  the  Legisla- 
ture, and  cannot  now  recall  to  my  mind  a  single  speech 


176  Henry  C.  Young. 

that  I  ever  heard  him  make  in  either  House!  This  was 
very  remarkable,  and  no  doubt  owing,  in  a  great 
measure,  to  his  modesty  and  diffidence.  He  was  not 
only  an  able  lawyer,  well  read  in  his  profession,  but  he 
was  a  gentleman  of  considerable  general  information, 
and  especially  in  political  matters.  Yet  he  had  no  taste 
for  politics  or  political  ambition.  1  know  that  he  was 
strongly  solicited  to  become  a  candidate  for  Congress 
on  several  occasions,  when  he  could  easily  have  been 
elected — but  he  always  promptly  declined  the  proffered 
honor.  When  William  F.  DeSaussure  was  appointed  to 
the  United  States  Senate,  by  Governor  Means,  it  was 
said  that  the  Governor,  at  first,  thought  of  appointing 
Mr.  Young,  and  hesitated  some  time  between  him  and 
Mr.  DeSaussure. 

In  1831  or  '82,  Mr.  Young  was  elected  to  represent 
Laurens  District  in  the  Free  Trade  Convention  which 
assembled  in  Philadelphia,  and  which  was  composed  of 
the  most  prominent  and  distinguished  men  in  the 
Southern  States.  He  was  again  appointed  to  attend 
the  Nashville  Convention,  which  met  and  protested 
against  the  wrongs  and  injuries  inflicted  on  the  Southern 
States  by  the  Federal  Government.  He  was  once  or 
twice  elected  by  the  Legislature  one  of  the  Electors  of 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  For 
many  years  he  was  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Trustees 
of  South  Carolina  College,  and  finally  declined  re- 
election. He  was  then  appointed  one  of  the  visitors  of 
the  military  schools  in  South  Carolina.,  and  several  times 
attended  the  meeting  of  the  Board  in  Charleston  and 
Columbia.  When  Judge  Earle  was  elected  to  the  Bench, 
Mr.  Young  became  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  Solicitor, 
and  was  beaten  by  Judge  Whitner.  He  would  have 
made  a  most  admirable  prosecuting  officer— and  I  have 
heard  him  say  that  it  was  the  only  office  he  ever  desired 
to  fill. 

In  early  life  Mr.  Young's  habits  were  not  temperate. 


Henry  C.  Young.  177 

But  he  soon  married  and  reformed  his  habits  entirely. 
I  never  knew  a  more  temperate  man  in  all  things  than 
Mr.  Young,  during  our  intimacy  for  so  many  years.  He 
took  a  glass  of  brandy  occasionally,  but  never  became 
even  excited  by  spirits  as  long  as  I  knew  him.  I  remem- 
ber meeting  him  in  Columbia  one  fall,  and  he  looked 
emaciated.  I  asked  him  to  take  a  drink  with  me,  and 
he  replied  that  he  had  not  tasted  a  drop  of  spirits  for 
several  months.  I  then  said  to  him  that  was  the  cause 
of  his  emaciation,  that  spirits  were  the  milk  of  old 
age,  and  advised  him  to  take  a  drink  every  day  at  din- 
ner. The  next  time  I  met  him,  he  told  me  that  he  had 
followed  my  advice,  and  he  looked  infinitely  better. 

Mr.  Young  married  his  cousin,  a  sister  of  General 
Young,  of  Charlotte,  X.  C,  and  had  but  one  child,  a 
daughter,  who  married  the  Hon.  W.  D.  Simpson,  a  gal- 
lant Colonel  in  the  Confederate  army,  and  a  member  of 
the  Confederate  Congress,  who  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  United  States  Congress,  in  18G8,  by  a  majority  of 
three  or  four  thousand  votes,  over  A.  S.  Wallace,  but 
was  not  allowed  to  take  his  seat.  In  my  recent  canvass 
for  "  Congress,  I  made  an  appointment  to  speak  at 
Laurens  Court  House,  where  I  saw  Colonel  Simpson, 
and  enquired  if  Mr.  Young  would  be  present  at  our 
meeting.  He  told  me  that  he  was  not  able  to  attend. 
I  then  said  that  I  must  see  him  before  I  left  the  village. 
He  replied  that  he  would  go  with  me  that  evening,  but 
doubted  whether  Mr.  Young  would  remember  me!  His 
mind,  he  said,  was  very  much  shattered,  and  his  memory 
gone.  I  was  sadly  impressed  with  this  information,  for 
Mr.  Young  could  not  have  been  more  than  seventy- 
eight  or  nine  years  old.  Lord  Lynhurst  made  one  of 
his  greatest  speeches  in  the  House  of  Lords  when  he  was 
ninety-two  years  old.  He  spoke  two  hours  without 
note  or  memoranda,  and  referred  to  facts  and  dates  as 
if  he  had  been  in  the  prime  of  life.  Lord  Brougham 
commenced   writing  his    autobiography  when  he  was 


178  Henry  C.  Young. 

ninety  years  old.  But  there  is  a  great  difference  in  the 
decay  of  intellect  in  different  men. 

Colonel  Simpson  and  myself  rode  up  in  my  carriage  to 
see  Mr.  Young,  after  I  had  addressed  the  people,  and  we 
found  him  at  work  in  his  garden,  looking  well  and 
seemingly  in  good  health.  But  1  discovered  that  his 
mind  was  very  much  enfeebled.  He  recognized  me,  how- 
ever, and  seemed  glad  that  we  had  met  once  more  in 
this  life.  My  interview  with  him  was  necessarily  brief, 
and  my  feelings  and  reflections  afterwards  were  very 
sad. 

I  have  said  Mr.  Yroung  was  a  great  favorite  with  the 
people  of  Laurens.  He  was  equally  so  with  all  the  law- 
yers and  judges.  When  Judge  Richardson  was  threat- 
ened with  impeachment  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, he  selected  Mr.  Young  as  one  of  his  counsel  to 
defend  him  before  the  Legislature.  This  was  a  distin- 
guished honor,  when  the  Judge  had  the  whole  Bar  of 
the  State  to  select  from.  It  was  equally  a  compliment 
to  his  learning  and  ability  as  a  lawyer. 

The  juries  had  equal  confidence  in  his  integrity  and 
sincerity,  learning,  ability  and  honor,  and  no  lawyer  at 
the  Bar  was  more  successful  in  his  cases  before  a  jury. 
His  statements  were  always  regarded  as  truthful,  and 
they  knew  that  there  was  no  purpose  on  his  part  to  de- 
ceive or  mislead  them,  lie  was,  too,  a  most  liberal 
practitioner  towards  his  opponents  at  the  Bar.  He 
never  resorted  to  trick  or  stratagem  in  his  practice,  or 
availed  himself  of  any  technical  advantage  which  did 
not  meet  the  justice  of  the  case.  No  one  ever  had  less 
of  the  pettifoger  or  demagogue  in  his  nature.  He  was 
wholly  unseltish  and  without  a  particle  of  vanity.  His 
only  pride  and  ambition  was  to  discharge  every  duty  of 
life  as  a  man,  a  lawyer  and  statesman,  conscientiously 
and  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  In  his  manners  he  was 
simple,  unpretending  and   unaffected.    He  did  nothing 


Henry  C.  Young,  179 

for  vain  glory.  In  his  nature  he  was  kind  and  affection- 
ate. Such  is  the  portraiture  my  heart  draws  of  an  old 
friend,  who  has  passed  off  the  stage  of  life,  and  now 
quietly  waits  to  be  gathered  to  his  fathers. 


&L2LJI 


JOSEPH  N.  WH1TNER. 

JjtUDGE  WHITNER  was  one  of  the  kindest,  most 
£-i  amiable  and  best  of  men.  He  was  benevolent  and 
charitable  to  all  who  were  in  want.  He  was  sincerely  a 
Christian,  and  a  very  pious  member  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church  all  his  life.  And  yet,  with  all  his  amiability  and 
goodness,  he  possessed  a  nervous  and  excitable  temper- 
by  nature.  But  his  good  sense  and  good  feelings  rarely 
permitted  his  temper  to  manifest  itself  on  any  occasion, 
public  or  private.  On  the  Bench,  and  at  the  Bar,  he 
was  always  patient,  forbearing  and  courteous.  Never 
was  there  a  more  conscientious  man  in  the  discharge  of 
all  his  duties  in  every  relation  of  life,  whether  public  or 
private.  This  conscientiousness  and  anxiety  to  do 
right  and  act  properly  under  all  circumstances,  very 
often  produced  a  hesitation  in  his  action  and  decision. 
It  was  sometimes  discoverable  on  the  Bench.  He  hesi- 
tated and  doubted,  where  a  judge  with  less  conscien- 
tiousness, would  have  decided  at  once,  although  his 
convictions  were  as  doubtful  as  Judge  Whitner's. 

Judge  Whitner  was  born  on  George's  Creek,  in  Pickens 
County,  about  seven  miles  from  GreenvilleCourt  House. 
His  father  moved  near  Pendleton  village,  where  he  was 
brought  up  and  educated  till  he  entered  the  South  Caro- 
lina College,  of  which  institution  he  was  a  graduate. 
He  read  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  Bar,  and  settled 
at  Old  Cambridge.  But  after  a  short  residence  there, 
he  moved  to  Pendleton  Court  House,  and  formed  a 
partnership  with  Jud^e  Earle,  who  was  then  Solicitor 
of  the  Western  Circuit.  Judge  Whitner  was  very  soon 
elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature  from  Pendleton 
District.  He  assisted  mainly  in  the  division  of  the  Dis- 
trict into  Anderson  and  Pickens  Districts.    Since  that, 


Joseph  N.  Whitner.  181 

Pickens  has  been  divided  again  into  Oconee  and  Pickens 
Districts.  Whilst  Pendleton  still  remained  one  Senatorial 
District,  Judge  Whitner  was  elected  to  represent  it  in 
the  State  Senate.  He  was  then  elected  Solicitor  of  the 
Western  Circuit,  and  for  many  years  he  discharged  the 
onerous  duties  of  this  office  with  great  ability  and  effi- 
ciency. Some  years  before  his  elevation  to  the  Bench, 
there  was  an  election  of  Judge  before  the  Legislature. 
The  contest  was  very  close,  and  one  of  the  votes  in- 
tended for  Whitner  was  written  "  Whiten."  If  this 
vote  had  been  counted,  he  would  have  had  a  majority 
and  been  elected.  But  on  the  second  ballot,  Judge 
Withers  was  elected.  The  next  vacancy  that  occurred 
on  the  Bench,  Judge  Whitner  was  elected  to  fill,  and  he 
remained  on  the  Bench  till  his  death,  many  years  after- 
wards. Whilst  Solicitor,  he  was  put  in  nomination  for 
Congress,  very  much  against  his  wishes.  There  was  a 
high  political  excitement  in  the  State  on  the  subject  of 
the  sub-Treasury.  General  Thompson,  who  was  then 
representing  the  District  in  Congress,  differed  with  Mr. 
Calhoun  on  this  subject,  a,nd  an  effort  was  made  by  Mr. 
Calhoun  and  his  friends  to  turn  him  out.  Judge  Whit- 
ner, at  that  time,  was  perhaps  the  most  popular  man  in 
the  Congressional  District.  He  was,  therefore,  put  in 
nomination,  but  his  personal  popularity  availed  him 
nothing  in  the  excitement.  His  warmest  and  most  de- 
voted friends  voted  against  him.  The  returns  from  the 
different  precincts  in  Anderson  District  were  brought  to 
Pickens  Court  House,  whilst  Court  was  sitting  there. 
Whitner  looked  over  the  statement  and  said  tome:  "I 
really  thought  I  could  have  got  more  votes  than  I  did, 
at  some  of  these  boxes,  for  President  of  the  United' 
States."  So  true  it  is.  that  friendship,  gratitude  and 
personal  respect,  are  all  thrown  aside  in  a  political  ex- 
citement when  an  election  takes  place. 

Judge  Whitner  was  a  great  temperance  man.  and   a 
sort  of  Lieutenant-General  of  Chief  Justice  O'Neall  in 


182  Joseph  N.  Whitner. 

the  temperance  cause.  Whilst  O'Neall  was  on  the  cir- 
cuit, and  Whitner  was  Solicitor,  they  invariably  had 
temperance  lectures  at  all  the  court  houses.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  if  both  these  gentlemen  had  taken  a  glass 
of  brandy  every  day,  in  the  latter  part  of  their  lives, 
they  would  have  lived  much  longer.  When  Judge  Whit- 
ner was  on  his  death  bed,  he  sent  for  Doctor  Fair,  of 
Columbia,  to  visit  and  prescribe  for  him.  The  Doctor- 
told  him  to  eat  nourishing  food,  and  drink  brandy. 
But  the  prescription  came  too  late.  After  Doctor  Fair's 
visit,  Judge  Munro  called  to  see  his  brother  Whitner, 
when  the  latter  said  to  him:  "I  am  now  going  to  do, 
Judge  Munro,  what  I  never  have  done  before,  ask  you 
to  take  a  glass  of  brandy  with  me." 

As  to  carrying  deadly  weapons  about  one's  person, 
Judge  Whitner  told  me  the  following  circumstance  in 
reference  to  himself.  He  was  a  student  in  Union  village, 
when  the  deputy  sheriff  came  to  arrest  him  on  some 
very  trivial  matter.  Playfully,  he  pulled  out  a,  pistol 
and  told  the  deputy  he  would  not  be  arrested.  He  did 
it  as  a  joke,  and  supposed  it  would  be  received  as  such 
by  a  man  whom  he  knew  very  well  and  with  whom  he 
was  on  the  best  of  terms.  But  mistaking  the  motive, 
the  deputy  flew  into  a  passion,  jumped  from  his  horse, 
and  said:  "I  will  arrest  you  at  the  risk  of  my  life." 
Judge  Whitner  said  his  nature  seemed  suddenly  to 
change,  all  reflection  thrown  away,  and  if  the  man  had 
advanced  he  would  have  shot,  and  perhaps  killed  him. 

Judge  Whitner  married  the  only  daughter  of  James 
Harrison,  Esq.,  who  still  survives  him,  and  by  whom  he 
had  a  large  family  of  children.  They  were  all  educated 
with  great  care,  and  have  prospered  in  life.  The  Judge 
lived  in  great  elegance  and  with  great  hospitality.  He 
kept  an  open  house  for  friends  and  visitors,  at  all  times, 
and  on  all  occasions.  Although  a  strict  Presbyterian, 
he  had  all  of  his  children  taught  to  play  on  some  musical 
instrument,  and  a  visitor  would  see  two  or  three  violins 


Joseph  N.   Whitner.  183 

and  flutes  lying  about  his  house.  He  encouraged  the 
young  people  to  dance  for  amusement  of  a  winter's 
evening,  and  made  his  home  a  happy  one  for  all  his 
family  and  visitors.  I  remember  hearing  a  gentleman 
from  Charleston  say  that  he  had  never  seen  more 
elegance  or  finer  entertainments,  than  he  met  at  Judge 
Whitner 'h. 

The  Judge  was  a  cotton  planter  for  a  number  of  years 
in  Florida,  but  I  understood  from  him  not  many  years 
before  his  death,  that  he  had  not  found  planting  in 
Florida  very  profitable.  To  plant  profitably,  a  gentle- 
man must  live  on  his  plantation,  and  supervise  every- 
thing. 

In  early  life,  Judge  Whitner  took  great  pride  in  com- 
manding a  troop  of  cavalry,  and  was  afterwards  elected 
Brigadier  General,  when  I  had  the  honor  of  being  ap- 
pointed on  his  staff  with  the  rank  of  Major,  which  has 
stuck  to  me  through  life.  But  my  friend  Yeadon  always 
denied  my  rank,  and  insisted  that  I  was  only  a  Captain, 
and  could  be  nothing  higher  on  a  Bridadier's  staff.  When 
the  ordinance  of  Nullification  was  passed,  all  the  militia 
commissions  were  vacated  by  act  of  the  Legislature,  and 
General  Whitner  refused  to  be  re-elected.  General 
Waddy  Thompson  was  elected  in  his  place.  He  was,  how- 
ever^ strong  Nullifier  and  Secessionist,  though  a  sincere 
Christian,  loving  peace  and  good  will  to  all  mankind. 
Shortly  after  the  first  battle  of  Manassas,  I  traveled  to 
Virginia  with  Judge  Whitner  and  his  most  amiable  lady, 
who  were  on  a  visit  to  a  son  who  was  wounded  in  the 
battle.  Mrs.  Whitner,  who  was  always  an  esteemed  and 
valued  friend  of  mine,  observed  to  me,  that  she  never 
thought  our  political  excitement  would  come  to  a  deadly 
civil  strife,  or  she  would  not  have  been  in  favor  of  Seces- 
sion. I  replied,  I  had  no  doubt  thousands  and  hundreds 
of  thousands  entertained  the  same  sentiments  and  feel- 
ings. But  that  I  had  always  anticipated  such  a  result, 
and  was  therefore  bitterly  opposed  to  the  movement. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

I  WENT  from  Governor  Wright's  to  ex-President 
Van  Buren's,  near  Kinder  Hook,  in  New  York.  I 
saw  Mr.  Van  Buren  first  in  church, and  immediately  rec- 
ognized him  from  the  likeness  I  had  seen.  He  was,  how- 
ever, a  much  larger  and  stouter  man  than  I  had  ex- 
pected to  see  in  the  "little  weasel,"  as  he  had  been 
dubbed  by  Mr.  Calhoun.  I  dined  with  him  thatevening. 
There  were  seven  or  eight  persons  present  at  the  table, 
and  the  dinner  was  a  very  sumptuous  one,  but  the  only 
waiter  at  the  table  was  a.  tidy  young  white  woman. 
All  the  guests  were  well  attended  to.  At  a  Southern  table 
there  would  have  been  three  or  four  negroes  in  each  oth- 
er's way,  and  the  table  not  so  well  waited  on.  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  then  turning  his  attention  to  farming,  and 
wished  me  to  stay  all  night  with  him,  and  look  over  his 
farm  the  next  day.  It  consisted  of  two  or  three  bun- 
dled acres,  and  formerly  belonged  to  one  of  the  Van 
Rensalears.  He  enquired  after  a,  great  many  persons  in 
South  Carolina,  and  seemed  to  be  as  familiar  with  our 
public  men  as  I  was  myself.  Mrs.  Abraham  Van  Buren 
was  present,  formerly  Miss  Singleton,  and  a  native  of 
South  Carolina.  There  were  present  also,  his  former 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  his  lady,  who  had  for- 
merly been  the  wife  of  Senator  Johnston,  of  Louisiana, 
and  the  subject  of  a  poem  by  Warren  R.  Davis,  entitled  : 
'Johnston's  Wife  of  Louisiana." 

I  told  Mr.  Van  Buren  that  I  was  surprised  to  find  the 
con  vent  ion,  then  sitting  at  Albany,  had  proposed  to 
make  the  Judges  elective  for  a  term  of  years  by  the  peo- 
ple. He  replied  that  he  favored  the  change  himself. 
"  When  a  young  man,"  said  he,  "I  thought  as  you  do, 
but  1  am  now  satisfied  that  all  three  departments  of  the 


Martin  Van  Buren.  185 

government  should  be  directly  under  the  control  of  the 
people."  He  mentioned  a  conversation  he  once  had 
with  Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  subject.  Jefferson  was 
strongly  in  favor  of  having  the  Judiciary  elected  by  the 
people  for  a  term  of  years.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  opposed 
to  such  a  system  at  that  time,  and  thought  it  fraught 
with  evil.  He  had  since  changed  his  opinion,  and 
adopted  the  views  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

I  was  very  much  pleased  with  the  ex-President,  and 
thought  him  a  charming  gentleman.  His  manners  were 
cordial  and  most  pleasant.  Instead  of  being  reticent 
as  to  men  and  measures,  I  found  him  very  frank  and 
open  in  expressing  his  opinions  about  any  and  every- 
thing. His  son  John  was  also  present,  who  was  then 
Attorney- General  of  New  York.  In  conversation,  I 
found  the  father,  though  so  long  from  the  Bar,  a  better 
lawyer  than  the  son.  John  struck  me  as  agreat  dandy, 
and  very  affected  and  pretending  in  his  manners.  His 
after  life  entirely  developed  this  character.  I  met  in 
Kinder  Hook,  a  brother  of  the  ex-President's, 
who  was  postmaster  of  the  village  and  a  member  of  the 
town  council.  He  was  an  intelligent,  plain  looking  and 
respectable  man,  though  very  different  from  his  brother. 
In  the  whole  town  of  Kinder  Hook,  during  my  stay 
there  for  two  days,  I  did  not  see  a  single  carriage  except 
the  ex-President's,  and  one  old  hack  which  brought  me 
from  the  railroad  depot. 

Very  few  men  have  been  so  much  abused  and  calumni- 
ated in  South  Carolina  as  Martin  Van  Buren.  Judge 
Cheves  used  to  say  that  he  possessed,  however,  as 
much  honesty  and  disinterestedness  as  his  traducers. 
I  have  heard  General  Thompson  say,  who  was  always 
opposed  to  him  in  politics,  that  no  one  could  know  Mr. 
Van  Buren  in  private  life  and  dislike  him.  He  never 
gave  offence  to  any  one,  and  was  always  kind  and  gen_ 
tie  in  his  intercourse  with  the  world.  Such,  I  should 
suppose,  was  the  true  character  of  Martin  Van  Buren. 


•:■•«< 


•:::J 


SILAS  WRIGHT. 


Tf  VISITED  Albany  whilst  Silas  Wright  was  Governor 
1|  of  New  York,  and  carried  a  letter  of  introduction  to 
him  from  Joel  R.  Poinsett.  I  called  to  see  him  at  his 
residence,  and  was  much  pleased  with  him.  His  man- 
ners and  conversation  were  so  natural,  pleasing  and 
cheerful,  that  I  was  quite  captivated.  He  possessed  the 
fairest  mind  in  debate  and  in  conversation  that  I  ever 
knew,  and  it  was  as  lucid  as  it  was  fair  and  honest.  I 
have  never  seen  any  one  else  who  could  express  his 
views  and  opinions  in  reference  to  anything  with  so 
much  clearness  and  explicitness.  No  one  who  ever 
heard  him  speak  or  converse,  was  ever  left  in  doubt  as 
to  his  meaning  or  purpose.  He  exhausted  every  sub- 
ject thart  he  discussed.  He  was  indeed,  a  man  of  the 
greatest  ability.  As  a  statesman,  he  was  honest,  unsel- 
fish and  unambitious.  All  the  high  positions  which  he 
held  in  New  York  were  thrust  on  him.  He  received  the 
nomination  of  Vice-President,  with  James  K.  Polk  for 
President,  which  he  promptly  declined.  He  was  a  de- 
voted friend  of  President  Van  Bur+m,  and  labored  for 
him  most  disinterestedly  through  life.  In  his  person  he 
was  stout  and  fine  looking,  but  his  face  gave  unmis- 
takable evidence  of  his  besetting  sin. 

I  had  just  returned  from  a  tour  through  Canada,  when 
I  met  Governor  Wright  in  Albany.  In  speaking  of  the 
British  forces  in  those  Provinces,  which  he  had  seen 
there  the  preceding  summer,  he  remarked  that  he 
witnessed  a  circumstance  characteristic  of  the  English 
government,  which  made  a  deep  impression  on  his  mind. 
He  carried  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  commanding 
General,  who  was  an  officer  of  great  distinction,  and  a 
most  venerable  looking  old  gentleman.  They  were  tak- 
ing a  walk  one  day  together,  when  they  met  a  very 
young  officer  to  whom  the  General  seemed  most  unbe- 


Silas  Wright.  187 

tfomingly  obsequious  in  his  salutation.  Governor 
Wright  was  informed  that  this  ensign  was  a  sprig  of 
nobility,  and  hence  the  deference  paid  him  by  this  ven- 
erable officer,  his  commanding  General. 

In  speaking  of  the  tariff,  Governor  Wright  said  that  if 
the  necessary  duties  for  revenue  were  not  sufficient  pro- 
tection, it  showed  clearly  that  the  article  ought  not  to 
be  manufactured  in  the  United  States.  He  had  the 
simplicity  of  true  greatness.  Whilst  United  States 
Senator,  living  in  the  upper  part  of  the  State,  a  gentle- 
man visited  him,  and  found  him  with  his  coat  off,  rolling 
into  his  cellar,  with  a  wheelbarrow,  his  crop  of  cabbages, 
preparatory  to  his  departure  for  Washington. 

Mr.  Poinsett  informed  me  that  he  once  visited  the 
residence  of  Governor  Wright  in  company  with  Presi- 
dent Van  Buren.  His  house  was  a  small  cottage,  and 
afforded  only  accommodation  for  the  President.  Mr. 
Poinsett  went  to  the  hotel  in  the  village.  It  was  said 
that  Wright  was  a  protege  of  Van  Buren.  He  made  his 
acquaintance  on  the  lakes,  perceived  his  extraordinary 
capacity,  and  brought  him  forward  in  life.  Hence  the 
great  devotion  of  Wright  to  him.  I  remember  seeing  a 
letter  from  Van  Buren  to  Mr.  Poinsett,  when  Wright 
was  nominated  for  Governor  of  New  York.  He  stated 
that  they  had  ''forced  him  into  harness,"  against 
Wright's  wishes,  in  order  to  make  sure  of  the  election. 
Had  Governor  Wright  lived,  he  would  have  been,  in  all 
probability,  President  of  the  United  States.  His  great 
abilities,  honesty  and  patriotism  were  universally  ac- 
knowledged. Mr.  Calhoun  did  not  like  him,  and  when  his 
death  was  announced  to  him  at  Old  Pendleton,  his  only 
remark  was:  "Burnt  out  at  last."  It  is  amazing  that 
a  great  man  like  Silas  Wright,  with  pure  and  unselfish 
character,  and  a  mind  as  clear  as  crystal,  with  a  judg- 
ment almost  unerring,  should  destroy  his  talents  and 
himself  by  indulgence  in  a  habit  which  he  knows  to  be 
fatal.  But  alas,  it  is  too  often  the  fate  of  our  greatest 
and  best  men. 


LETTERS. 


[These  letters  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  Tribute  (lately  published) 

are    worthy    of    publication.     They    are  invaluable  to  the  wife. 

Words  cannot  express  her  appreciation  of  them.] 


United  States  Courts  for  South  Carolina, 

Greenville,  S.  0.,  February  4.  1H89. 

Mrs.  B.  F.  Pekry,  City. 

My  Dear  Madam  :  You  have  given  me  great  pleasure 
in  your  gift  of  The  Tribute  to  Governor  Perry,  December 
3,  1888. 

The  older  I  grow  the  more  able  I  am  to  appreciate  the 
character  and  ability  of  Governor  Perry,  and  to  under- 
stand how  he  achieved  his  high  reputation.  His  firm 
adherence  to  principle;  his  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
fundamental  doctrines  which  underlie  American  liberty; 
the  splendid  courage  which  illustrated  his  whole  politi- 
cal and  social  life;  a  life  passed  in  the  full  blaze  of  a 
fierce  dissension,  yet  without  a  stain,  make  him  a 
marked  feature  in  the  history  of  our  State. 

Your  touching  devotion  to  him  preserves  for  posterity 
the  story  of  his  life  and  the  fruits  of  his  intellect.  You 
are  handing  down  to  coming  generations  a  valuable  ex- 
am pie  for  their  imitation.  Too  many  good  men  are  for- 
gotten except  by  their  cotemporaries.  How  many  can 
you  and  I  recall  whose  learning  and  eloquence  and 
patriotism  are  mere  tradition.  Governor  Perry  has 
been  fortunate,  as  well  in  the  gifts  of  intellect  and  heart 
which  God  gave  him,  as  in  having  your  loving  and 
watchful  care  in  the  preservation  of  his  record. 
With  great  respect. 

Yours  most  truly, 

Charles  H.  Simonton. 


190  Letters. 

Office  of  County  School  Commissioner,  Charleston  County, 

Charleston,  S.  C.  March  4,  1889. 

My  Dear  Mrs.  Perry:  I  want  to  thank  you  for  The 
Tribute  to  the  memory  of  your  great  and  good  hus- 
band, you  so  kindly  sent  me.  I  prize  it  on  account  of 
the  thoughtful  attention  from  you,  as  well  as  for  the 
valuable  contents  of  the  volume.  I  have  both  the  vol- 
umes of  Sketches  written  by  Governor  Perry,  and  want 
everything-  that  I  can  get  that  came  from  his  pen. 

To-day,  as  I  read  President  Harrison's  inaugural,  I 
see  clouds  on  the  political  sky— clouds  that  call  for  men 
with  brains,  and  men  with  the  courage  of  their  convic- 
tions. In  short,  the  times  demand  just  such  men  as 
Governor  Perry— men,  who,  after  they  are  sure  that 
they  are  right,  care  nothing  for  consequences.  He  is 
taken  from  us  just  at  a  time  when  his  wisdom  and  ex- 
perience could  do  this  State  great  service.  The  whole 
State  should  thank  you  for  preserving  his  utterances 
on  important  questions.  A  wide  circulation  of  his  writ- 
ings will  result  in  great  good. 

Words  can  but  feebly  express  the  gratitude  I  have  for 
the  kindness  you  have  shown  me. 

Y^vy  respectfully, 

John  L.  Weber. 


Chester,  S.  C,  March  12,  1889. 

Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry,  Sans  Souci,  Greenville,  S.  C. 

My  Dear  Madam  :  Please  accept  my  thanks  for  kind- 
ness in  sending  me  The  Tribute  to  Benjamin  Franklin 
Perry,  ex-Governor  of  South  Carolina,  and  also  your 
distinguished  husband. 

You  certainly  deserve  the  hearty  "Amen  "  of  every  friend 
and  admirer  of  your  late  illustrious  husband.  It  was 
not  my  happ\  privilege  to  be  personally  known  to  Gov- 
ernor Perry,  but  was  an  ardent  admirer  of  his  from  the 
time  I  arrived  at  manhood,  until  he  ceased  to  come  in 
and  go  out  among  men. 

You  may  have  erected  a  tall  shaft  to  perpetuate  the 


Letters.  191 

memory  of  your  Honorable  husband  and  "Our  own 
Perry;"  hut  you  can  never  rear  such  a  lasting-  monu- 
ment as  lie,  himself,  has  left  us — his  life.  In  any  high 
sense,  there  is  but  one  thing  which  men  may  call  a,  monu- 
ment. |The  skillfully  chiselled  marble  of  the  church  yard 
can  be  purchased,  as  well  by  money  as  by  merit.  The 
canvas,  glowing  with  the  semblance  of  life,  is,  how  often 
a  monument  rather  of  the  genius  of  the  artist  than  of 
the  forgotten  dead,  whose  features  it  perpetuates.  Tri- 
umphal arches  and  pyramids  even,  however  deeply  and 
strongly  they  ma  v  be  founded,  change  at  last  to  ruin- 
ous heaps,  or  are  intrusted  in  vain  with  the  names  of 
their  builders  and  the  records  of  the  deeds  which  they 
commemorate.  Nevertheless,  greatness  has  its  endur- 
ing monument.  But  that  monument  is  erected  by  it- 
self. Laid  sometimes,  indeed,  in  the  blood  and  tears  of 
suffering  humanity,  built  up  amid  the  sighs  of  lacerated 
bosoms,  and  crowned  with  the  execrations  of  long  pos- 
terity, but  sometimes  based  upon  the  noblest  impulses 
of  a  noble  heart,  erected  every  part  of  it  to  bless  and 
adorn  humanity,  and  completed  amid  shouts  of  grati- 
tude, or  those  more  expressive  tokens  of  affection — a 
nation's  tears. 

When  I  speak  then  of  a  monument,  commemorative 
of  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry,  I  mean  not  the  marble 
which  may  cover  his  moldering  remains,  nor  any  impos- 
ing columns  which  have  been  already  erected  in  some 
public  resort.  I  mean  his  own  great  character;  his 
matchless  will;  the  thoughts  which  he  entertained;  the 
words  which  he  spoke;  his  large  sagacity,  and  that 
larger  patriotism,  which  achieved  for  himself  a  place, 
like  that  of  a  household  idol,  in  every  American  heart. 

Feeling  that  I  have  already  trespassed  upon  valuable 
time,  I  would  again  thank  you  for  The  Tribute. 

I  am  with  great  respect, 

W.  G.  Austin. 


1 92  Letters. 

Southern  Baptist  Theological  Seminary. 

Louisville,  Ky..  March  20,  188U. 

Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry. 

Dear  Madam:  Permit  me  to  express  my  thanks  for  a 
copy  of  a  Tribute  to  Governor  B.  F.  Perry.  I  have  read 
it  with  much  interest  and  lasting  benefit.  His  life  re- 
veals much  of  the  history  of  our  grand  old  State,  to 
whose  service  he  gave  his  life.  My  first  impressions  of 
his  great  character  were  from  my  grandfather  Fergu- 
son, who  was  a  great  admirer  of  his,  as  well  as  a  be- 
liever in  his  politics  during  secession.  Often  have  I  been 
stirred  as  he  would  relate  to  me  the  thrilling  events 
through  which  Governor  Perry  passed.  His  integrity, 
wisdom  and  patriotism  have  overshadowed  other  quali- 
ties, which  in  an  ordinary  man  would  shine  most  bril- 
liantly. The  ;k  Preface  to  your  Journal  "  discloses  some 
traits  which  had  escaped  my  notice.  This  discloses  a 
tenderness,  and  purity  of  sentiment  that  is  truly  grand. 
His  language  concerning  you  is  chaste  and  exceedingly 
beautiful,  while  the  sentiment  is  refined  and  exquisite. 
It  is  like  the  leaves  out  of  some  great  novel  or  poem.  I 
had  no  idea,  of  this  beautiful  trait.  Although  I  wrote  a 
sketch  of  his  life  for  the  Augusta  Chronicle,  this  was 
passed  over.  I  will  keep  this  passage  as  a  specimen  of 
pure  Anglo-Saxon  English,  strong  but  beautiful  senti- 
ment. I  remember  with  pleasure  my  conversation  with 
you  last  summer  and  hope  to  see  you  again  next  sum- 
mer. Most  respectfully, 

Henry  G.  Ferguson. 

Reidville,  S.  C,  March  21,  1889. 

Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry. 

Dear  Madam:  This  is  the  first  day  that  I  have  had 
leisure  to  comply  with  the  request  in  your  favor  of  the 
15th  inst.  1  have  been  under  pressing  calls  of  duty 
every  day  since  the  date  of  your  letter. 

The  address  of  your  honored  husband  to  which  you 
refer,  was  delivered  on  the  20th  of  June,  1882,  before 


Letters.  193 

the  Reidville  Female  College  on  a  Commencement  occa- 
sion.   A  large  audience  was  present,  and   the  address 
was  well  received. 
When  I  requested  Gov.  Perry  to  perform  this  service  for 

us,  he  spoke  of  the  infirmities  of  increasing  age,  and  said 
he  had  resolved  not  to  appear  again  before  the  public, 
but  for  two  reasons  he  would  comply  with  my  wishes. 
First,  Mrs.  Reid  was  the  daughter  of  his  old  friend, 
Dr.  William  Anderson,  of  Orrsville,  in  Anderson  County. 
Second,  his  interest  in  me  and  my  work.  He  was  a 
Trustee  of  the  South  Carolina  College,  and  upon  the 
stage  when  I  graduated,  and  then  spoke  words  of  en- 
couragement to  me,  which  a  poor  college  boy,  just  start- 
ing life,  knows  how  to  appreciate.  He  was  kind  enough 
to  mention  me  in  terms  of  commendation  in  a  notice 
which  he  wrote  at  the  time  of  our  Commencement  for  the 
Greenville  Mountaineer,  which  may  be  found  in  the  files 
of  the  paper  for  the  year  1846.  He  was  a  life  long 
friend. 

I  have  been  familiar  with  his  public  life  from  boyhood. 
The  first  time  I  ever  heard  his  name  mentioned  was  dur- 
ing the  Nullification  controversy.  I  admired  his  course 
in  the  secession  struggle — his  stand  and  efforts  to  pre- 
vent the  split  in  the  Democratic  party  in  Charleston, 
which  resulted  in  the  election  of  Lincoln  as  President, 
and  his  earnest  efforts  after  the  election,  to  keep  the 
State  from  seceding;  saying  in  his  speeches  and  through 
the  press,  in  substance,  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  badly  as  it  had  been  observed  by  some 
of  the  Northern  States  of  the  Union,  was  the  only  pro- 
tection we  had  for  our  peculiar  form  of  civilization  in 
the  South;,  that  when  we  threw  ourselves  from  under 
its  protection,  we  were  gone  to  ruin,  &c,  &c. 

Governor  Perry  was  truly  a  great  man,  but  his  mis- 
fortune was  that  he  was  so  far  ahead  of  his  contempor- 
aries in  foresight  and  sound,  practical  wisdom  that  the 
masses  could   not  understand,  or  appreciate  him.    He 


194  Letters. 

was  like  a  tall  mountain  whose  summit  caught  the  rays 
of  the  rising  sun,  while  darkness  rested  upon  all  the  sur- 
rounding peaks.  Like  Aristotle  and  Socrates,  his  fame 
will  increase  in  the  ages  to  come  Even  his  hitter  oppo- 
nents can  now  see  that  his  political  course  in  the  past 
was  right  and  consistent ;  that  it  would  have  been  bet- 
ter for  the  State  v  hich  he  loved  so  dearly  and  served  so 
faithfully,  to  have  heeded  his  counsels.  South  Carolina 
never  produced  a  statesman  with  clearer  head  and 
more  manly  virtues. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  are  going  to  publish  an- 
other volume  of  his  works.  Permit  me  to  say  that  1 
think  he  is  fortunate  in  having  such  a  biographer  and 
compiler  of  his  works,  to  perpetuate  his  fame  and  use- 
fulness, one  so  well  qualified  both  intellectually  and  in  a 
personal  knowledge  of  his  character  in  all  the  relations 
of  life.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

Robert  Harden  Reid. 

University  op  South  Carolina, 

Columbia,  S.  C,  March  27,  1889. 

Dear  Madam:  Please  accept  my  thanks  for  your 
highly  esteemed  favor,  which  I  received  last  week,  and 
should  have  acknowledged  sooner,  but  for  the  pressure 
of  other  engagements. 

I  have  always  regarded  your  distinguished  husband, 
Benjamin  Franklin  Perry,  as  one  of  the  most  remarka- 
ble men  of  the  State.  As  a  writer,  I  do  not  think  he 
had  a  superior,  scarcely  an  equal,  in  the  United  States. 
He  was  a  master  of  the  English  language,  and  might, 
without  extravagance,  be  called  the  American  Macaulay. 
His  style  is  almost  faultless,  clear,  simple  and  concise, 
reminding  the  reader,  in  almost  every  word,  of  Addison, 
or  Goldsmith,  or  Washington  Irving,  or  Hugh  Swinton 
Legare. 

I  should  like  to  see  a  biography  of  Governor  Perry,  if 
a  man  could  be  found  who  possessed  the  requisite  quali- 
fications for  such  a  task.    The  beautiful  Tribute  which 


Letters.  195 

,voii  have  just  published,  contains  a  great  deal  of  ma- 
terial which  would  be  very  useful  in  the  preparation  of 
such  a.  work.  Such  a  biography  would  be  a  powerful 
stimulus  to  the  young  men  of  South  Carolina  to  imitate 
his  noble  life  and  character,  who  was,  most  emphatically, 

"One  of  the  few,  immortal  names, 
That  were  not  born  to  die.'' 

I  am,  dear  madam,  very  truly  yours, 

E.  L.  Patton. 


Chester,  S.  C,  Apr/7  4,  1889. 

Mrs.  B.  P.  Perry,  Sans  Soucr,  Greenville,  S.  C. 

Please  accept  my  most  earnest  thanks  for  a  copy  of 
Sketches  by  Governor  Perry,  of  South  Carolina, 

No  library  is  complete  without  this  book. 

That  speech  delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  South  Carolina,  December  11,  1850,  winch  he  himself 
characterized  as  a  legacy  to  his  country  and  children, 
should  be  in  every  household,  nay,  that  book  should 
be  in  every  school-room.  . 

I  have  not  language  to  express  to  you  my  high  appre- 
ciation of  the  book.  My  boys,  when  they  learn  to  read, 
shall  make  that  book  a  daily  study,  until  they  breathe 
the  very  sentiments  of  your  peerless  husband. 

The  picture  of  the  Governor  is  so  exact  as  to  cause 
one  to  almost  feel  that  they  were  in  his  august  presence. 

Again  allow  me  to  thank  you  for  the  book,  v  Money 
could  not  purchase  it. 

Wishing  you  all  the  health  and  happiness  that  you 
are  capable  of  enjoying,  I  remain 

Your  very  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

VV.  G.  Austin. 


Dr.  C.  Kollouk, 

Cheraw,  S.  C,  April  8,  1889. 

My  Dear  Mrs.  Perry:  Your  very  kind  letter  of  the 
4th  has  been  received.    I  was  truly  glad  to  hear  from 


196  Letters. 

you  again.  I  am  always  pleased  to  hear  from  you,  for 
although  I  never  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  you,  I  feei 
that  I  know  you  well,  and  my  esteem  for  yon  is  very 
great,  as  you  are  the  wife  of  my  old  friend  Benjamin  F. 
Perry.  I  was  never  personally  acquainted  with  a  man 
for  whom  I  had  more  respect  and  whose  friendship  I 
valued  more  highly.  Your  being  trie  wife  of  Governor 
Perry  gives  you  a.  warm  place  in  my  affections,  if  your 
own  personal  characteristics  did  not  commend  you.  1 
remember  well  the  first  time  I  ever  met  Governor  Perry. 
It  was  in  the  month  of  Dec-ember,  1850,  during  the  ses- 
sion of  the  Legislature.  T  was  then  introduced  to  him 
by  Doctor  Thomas  E.  Powe.  who  represented  Chester- 
field County  in  the  Senate.  There  was  something  about 
Governor  Perry  that  seemed  to  draw  him  to  my  heart, 
and  I  was  with  him  as  much  as  I  could  be,  and  I  flat- 
tered myself  that  he  took  the  same  fancy  to  me.  Ever 
since  that  time,  although  there  was  considerable  differ- 
ence in  our  ages,  and  we  met  but  seldom,  a  warm  at- 
tachment and  a  very  strong  friendship  existed  between 
us.  When  he  lectured  in  Cheraw,  the  people  showed 
their  great  respect  and  appreciation  for  him  by  the  very 
large  audience  that  turned  out  to  hear  him.  The  hall 
in  which  he  lectured  will  seat  comfortably  about  four 
hundred  people;  and  although  it  was  a  very  rainy 
evening,  it  was  full  to  overflowing,  not  a  seat 
empty,  and  many  stood  through  the  whole  lecture. 
When  he  entered  the  hall  on  the  arm  of  the  President  of 
the  Lyceum,  Colonel  John  W.  Harrington,  who  was  an 
old  friend  of  Governor  Perry,  he  was  greeted  with  a  long 
and  uprorious  applause.  It  must  have  made  him  feel 
good,  and  it  was  nothing  more  than  he  deserved  at  the 
hands  of  South  Carolinia ns.  The  Sta  te  owes  him  a  debt  of 
gratitude  that  it  can  never  repay.  Who  that  ever  lived 
in  the  State  has  done  more  to  advance  its  interests  and 
elevate  the  moral  and  intellectual  tone  of  its  people? 
You  have  never  given  the  Cheraw  Lyceum  a  copy  of  the 
first  book  of  Reminiscences  of  Public  Men,  and  we  will  all 


Letters.  197 

be  much  pleased  to  have  a  copy  oe  it  in  the  library  of 
the  Lyceum.  You  can.  send  it  to  me  and  I  will  take 
pleasure  in  presenting  it. 

I  would  be  more  than  pleased  to  visit  Greenville,  but 
can't  see  my  way  clear  for  the  coming  Summer.  May 
God  ever  bless  and  keep  you  and  yours,  is  the  prayer  of 
your  faithful  friend.  Cornelius  Kollock. 

.Jonk.syille,  Union  County.  8.  C,  April  16.  1889. 

Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry,  Greenville,  S.  C. 

Dear  Madam:  Please  accept  my  thanks  for  the  re- 
spect you  have  shown  me  by  sending  a  copy  of  The 
Tribute  to  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry,  your  beloved  and 
honored  husband,  together  with  the  address  delivered 
before  the  Merchants,  Mechanics  and  Business  Men  of 
Columbia,  December  17,  1853. 

May  his  name  beheld  up  before  the  public,  and  handed 
down  to  posterity,  for  what  he  truly  was:  a  friend  to 
justice,  a  friend  to  the  people,  a  friend  to  his  country,  a 
protector  of  the  weak,  and  an  opposer  to  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  strong.  Would  to  God  that  we  had  an- 
other to  stand  up  in  the  Legislative  halls  of  our  country 
like  Governor  B.  F.  Perry  stood,  when  he  fought  against 
such  strong  opposition  for  a  change  in  the  system  of 
our  State  government;  a  change  that  sought  to  take 
from  the  Legislature  the  power  to  choose  the  Presiden- 
tial electors  and  the  Governor,  and  place  it  in  the  hands 
of  the  people,  where  it  justly  belongs. 

We  need  such  men  now  to  carry  on  the  good  work  be- 
gun by  Governor  B.  F.  Perry.  Such  a  noble,  and  able 
man  will  always  be  held  in  grateful  remembrance  by 
those  who  love  an  administration  that  will  give  to 
every  person,  no  matter  how  humble,  his  own  rights,  ac- 
cording to  the  true  principles  of  our  government. 

Again  thanking  you  for  your  kindness, 

I  am  very  truly  and  respectfully,  your  friend, 

G.  B.  Fowler. 


198  Letters. 

University  ofl  South  Carolina, 

Columbia.  S.  C.  April  16,  1889. 

Demi  Madam:  I  have  been  quite  unwell  for  some  two 
weeks  past,  ever  since  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  the  vol- 
ume which  you  sent  me,  and  which,  it  is  unnecessary  to 
add,  I  most  highly  appreciate,  not  only  on  account  of 
its  intrinsic  value,  but  as  a  memento  of  a  truly  great 
and  good  man.  I  have  read,  with  no  ordinary  pleasure, 
the  "Biographical  Sketches  of  Eminent  American 
Statesmen."  as  well  as  the  "Speeches,  Addresses  and 
Letters."  Among  the  latter,  the  address  delivered  be- 
fore the  literary  societies  of  Erskine  College,  has  a  pecu- 
liar attraction  for  me,  for  I  was  present  on  that  truly 
interesting  and  memorable  occasion:  and  although 
nearly  fort y-fi ve  years  have  elapsed  since  the  delivery 
of  that  address,  the  scene  is  indelibly  impressed  on  my 
memory.  Many  able  and  eloquent  addresses  have  been 
delivered  at  the  same  place  on  similar  occasions,  but 
none  superior,  in  eloquence  or  ability,  to  that  of  your 
distinguished  and  lamented  husband. 

I  a  in  truly  glad  that  this  volume  has  been  published. 
It  will  furnish  a  powerful  stimulus  to  the  young  men  of 
this  State  to  imitate  one  who  was  a  model  of  truth  and 
courage  and  fidelity:  one  who  may  be  justly  character- 
ized as  the  Chevalier  Bayard  of  South  Carolina.  Sans 
peur  et  sans  reproche. 

Again  expressing  my  regret  that  1  have  not  been  able 
to  acknowledge  more  promptly  your  highly  esteemed 
favor,  I  am  yours  very  truly, 

E.  L.  Patton. 


«£§»»» 


THE  HISTORY  OF   NULLIFICATION 

IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 


BY  GOVERNOR  PERRY. 
1874. 


The  Tariff  of  1816  was  advocated  by  Mr.  Calhoun, 
and  voted  for  by  the  greater  part  of  the  South  Carolina 
delegation  in  Congress.  The  proposition  was,  however, 
to  repeal  the  duties  which  had  been  imposed  during  the 
war.  This  Mr.  Calhoun  opposed.  But  in  1824  the 
Southern  members  were  generally  opposed  to  the  Tariff. 
It  was  opposed  on  the  ground  of  its  injustice  and  inex- 
pediency. Nothing  was  said  about  its  unconstitution- 
ality except  by  John  Randolph.  McDuffie  made  a  long 
and  able  speech  against  it  in  1824,  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  but  said  nothing  about  its  unconstitu- 
tionality. Webster,  too,  was  then  opposed"  to  the 
Tariff,  and  made  a  very  able  and  powerful  speech 
against  it. 

In  1824  the  anti-Tariff  feeling  in  South  Carolina  was 
very  strong.  There  had  been  some  meetings  of  the 
people  in  opposition  to  the  Tariff,  previous  to  that 
time.  In  Charleston  they  had  a  meeting  at  which  a  very 
strong  remonstrance  against  the  Tariff  was  adopted 
and  sent  to  Congress.  This  remonstrance  was  drawn 
up  by  Stephen  Elliott,  President  of  the  Bank  of  the 
State.  There  was  also  about  the  same  time,  a  very 
strong  feeling  of  opposition  to  the  system  of  internal 
improvements  by  Congress,  springing  up  all  over  the 
State.  These  two  measures  first  destroyed  the  national 
feeling  of  South  Carolina,  Until  1820  or  1822,  South 
Carolina  was  one  of  the  strongest  Federal  States  in  the 
Union.    Her  most  talented  and  leading  men  were  dis- 


200  History  of  Nullification. 

tinguished  for  their  Federal  measures  and  great  devo- 
tion to  the  American  Union. 

After  the  passage  of  the  Tariff  of  1824,  there  were 
numerous  meetings  held  in  different  parts  of  the  State, 
protesting     against    its    injustice    and     inexpediency- 
Nothing,   however,  was  said  about  its  unconstitution- 
ality.   In  182(5,  William   Elliott,  of   Beaufort,  said  to 
McDuffie,  in  Columbia,  then  on  his  way  to  Washington, 
that  he  had  great  doubts  about  the  constitutionality 
of  the  Tariff.     McDutfje  replied  that  it  was  clearly  con- 
stitutional, but  a  most  iniquitous  exercise  of  constitu- 
tional power.     This  I  had  from  Mr.  Elliott  himself.     In 
1825  or  1826,    Doctor  Cooper,   then  President   of  the 
South  Carolina  College,  made  his  famous  expression,  at 
a  public  meeting  in  Columbia,  "that  it  was  time  to  begin 
to    calculate  the    value  of   the   Federal   Union."     This 
expression    excited    great    indignation,    and     was    de- 
nounced by   many,  who  soon  afterwards  adopted   the 
sentiment.    The    passage    of  the  Tariff  in    1828    was 
pretty  generally  anticipated,  and  the  people  held  a  great 
many  public  meetings  throughout  the  State  and  peti- 
tioned Congress  against  its  passage.    It  was  opposed  in 
Congress  by  the  greater  part    of  the  South   Carolina 
delegation,  with  able  speeches.     It  however  passed,  and 
the   members  from  South   Carolina    had  a   meeting  at 
which  it  was  proposed  to  leave  their  seats  and  return 
home.    Colonel  Drayton  opposed  this  movement,   and 
but  for  his  opposition  it  would  have   been  carried  out. 
This  is  the  statement  of  Rothmorrow  Mitchell,  who  was 
then  a  member  of  Congress.     The  delegation  however, 
determined,  on  their  return  home  after  the  adjournment 
of  Congress,  to  call  public  meetings  of  their  constituents 
and  stir  them  up  in  opposition  to  the  act.    This   was 
done  all  over  the  State.     At  Walterboro  they  requested 
Governor  Taylor  to  convene   the    Legislature  for    the 
purpose  of  taking  action  in   opposition  to  the  Tariff. 
This  was  in  the  Spring.     A  dissolution  of  the  Union  was 


History  of  Nullification.  201 

freely  spoken  of  and  discussed.  In  the  Columbia  Times 
and  Gazette,  several  long  articles  appeared,  showing 
that  a  dissolution  of  the  iJnion  was  to  the  interest  of 
the  Southern  States.  McDuffie  said  in  a  speech  in  Con- 
gress, that  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  would  pour  a 
flood  of  wealth  into  the  Southern  States.  Judge  Earle 
(♦ailed  my  attention  to  the  articles  in  the  Times  and 
Gazette,  and  spoke  of  them  in  terms  of  unmeasured  dis- 
approbation. He  said  he  would  discontinue  his  sub- 
scription to  the  paper  if  such  communications  were 
permitted  to  appear  in  it.  The  Judge  at  that  time  was 
inclined  to  be  a  Tariff  man  and  so  was  his  friend  Captain 
Cleveland.  He  frequently  contended  with  me  that  the 
Tariff  cheapened  articles,  and  I  argued  that  they  had 
become  cheaper  in  spite  of  the  Tariff.  At  that  time  the 
Judge  did  not  approve  the  course  taken  by  our  members 
of  Congress. 

Governor  Taylor  refused  to  convene  the  Legislature, 
as  he  had  been  requested  to  do  by  the  Colleton  meeting. 
At  the  celebration  of  the  fourth  of  July  in  Columbia, 
His  Excellency  made  a  speech  and  assigned  his  reasons 
for  not  calling  the  Legislature  together.  It  was  a  good 
Union  speech,  and  very  different  from  one  made  by 
Colonel  William  C.  Preston,  on  the  same  occasion.  The 
toasts  drank  at  this  celebration  were  divided  for  and 
against  the  Union.  A  large  majority  denounced  in 
strong  terms  the  Tariff.  I  remember  noticingthe toasts 
drank  throughout  the  State,  on  the  fourth  of  July. 
1828,  and  was  gratified  at  the  Union  feeling  they 
expressed.  But  there  was  a  sudden  change  afterwards 
in  this  respect. 

In  1824,  Governor  Wilson,  in  his  message  to  the 
Legislature,  referred  to  the  usurpations  of  Congress, 
relative  to  internal  improvements,  protection  of  do- 
mestic manufacture  and  the  United  States  Bank.  This 
part  of  his  message  was  referred  to  a  special  committee 
of  which  Judge  Prioleau  was  chairman.    He  reported 


202  History  of  Nullification. 

that  the  Legislature  had  no  right  to  interfere  with  the 
legislation  in  Congress,  &e.  This  report  was  called  up 
the  next  session  of  the  Legislature,  by  Judge  Smith,  who 
submitted  a  preamble  and  resolutions,  as  a,  substitute 
for  the  report.  These  resolutions  inculcated  the  doc- 
trine that  a  State  Legislature  had  the  right  to  watch 
over  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  arid  express  their 
approbation  or  disapprobation  of  the  same  and  to 
remonstrate  against  any  action  or  legislation  of  Con- 
gress. These  resolutions  gave  rise  to  an  extended  de- 
bate in  the  Legislature.  Chief  Justice  O'Neall,  Judge 
Butler  and  other  prominent  members  made  speeches  and 
took  the  ground  assumed  in  the  report  of  Judge  Prio- 
leau,  that  the  members  of  Congress  and  the  members  of 
the  Legislature  were  all  representatives  of  the  people 
and  one  set  of  representatives  had  no  right  to  interfere 
with  the  legitimate  duties  of  another  set.  They  were 
all  responsible  to  the  people  for*  their  action,  whose  duty 
alone  it  was  to  watch  over  their  conduct.  This  was  the 
doctrine  announced  by  McDuffie  in  his  pamphlet,  signed 
;'One  of  the  People,"  published  in  1820.  But  the  resolu- 
tions of  Judge  Smith  were  adopted  by  the  Legislature. 
His  report  on  them  was  said  to  contain  the  doctrine  of 
"States'  rights,"  as  then  understood  in  South  Carolina. 
But  how  different  were  "States'  rights,"  as  afterwards 
understood  in  South  Carolina,  authorizing  Nullification 
and  Secession. 

At  that  time  there  were  two  parties  in  South  Carolina. 
The  Calhoun  and  Smith  parties.  The  first  were  known 
as  the  opponents  of  States  rights,  and  the  other  as  the 
advocates  of  that  doctrine.  Judge  Smith  was  turned 
out  of  the  United  States  Senate  by  Governor  Hayne  in 
1822.  The  radicals  or  States' rights  party  were  then  in 
a  minority.  In  1826  Judge  Smith  was  again  elected  to 
the  Senate  over  Judge  Huger.  The  doctrine  of  States 
rights  was  then  in  the  ascendant,  and  the  Calhoun  party 
were  left  in  a  minority.     In  1826  or  1827,    Ramsay's 


History  of  Nullification.  203 

report  and  resolutions  were  adopted  by  the  Legislature. 
This  document  was  written  by  Turn  bull  and  submitted 
to  the  Legislature  by  Dr.  Ramsay.  It  contained  very 
strong  States'  rights  doctrine,  and  I  recollect  hearing 
Judge  Whitner  say  that  he  went  to  Hugh  S.  Leg-are,  in 
the  Legislature  to  ask  him  to  move  a  postponement  of 
the  further  consideration  of  the  report.  He  did  not 
sufficiently  understand  the  doctrine  to  vote  on  it. 

In  1822-'23-'24  the  Presidential  election  excited  a 
good  deal  of  feeling  in  South  Carolina.  Messrs.  Adams, 
-Jackson,  Crawford,  Clay  and  Calhoun,  were  all  candi- 
dates. In  1821,  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina, 
nominated  William  Lowndes  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.  This  great  and  aood  man  died  shortly  after- 
wards, as  he  was  crossing  the  Atlantic  Ocean  for  his 
health,  and  his  body  was  committed  to  the  ocean.  He 
expressed  the  noble  sentiment,  "that  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States  was  an  office  not  to  be  sought  or  de- 
clined." In  1822,  the  next  year,  the  Legislature  nomi- 
nated Calhoun.  There  was  an  attempt  made  to  nomi- 
nate General  Jackson,  by  General  Glasscock,  of  Edge- 
field, but  he  was  fairly  hooted  down.  Henry  L.  Pinckney 
made  a  violent  speech  against  the  nomination  of  Jack- 
son, and  all  the  Calhoun  party  were  then  opposed  to 
Jackson.  Next  to  Calhoun  himself,  it  was  supposed  that 
John  Q.  Adams  was  at  that  time  the  choice  of  this  party. 
In  1823  Calhoun  was  withdrawn  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
nominated  by  the  Jackson  party  of  that  State  for  the 
Vice  Presidency.  His  friends  in  South  Carolina  imme- 
diately took  the  hint  and  went  over  to  "the  hero  of  New 
Orleans."  Jackson  was  accordingly  nominated  by  the 
Legislature  in  1823. 

In  1822,  William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  had  a 
strong  and  most  respected  party  in  South  Carolina. 
Judge  Smith,  Governor  Tajdor,  Judge  Earle,  Governor 
Williams,  Judge  Evaus,  and  many  others  were  Crawford 
men.    But  there  was  a  majority  opposed  to  him,  and. 


204  History  of  Nullification. 

Judge  Smith  was  beaten  in  consequence  of  belonging  to 
the  Crawford  and  States'  Rights,  or  Radical  party. 
From  the  time  General  Jackson  was  nominated,  the 
friends  of  Calhoun  were  most  cordial  and  hearty  in  his 
support.  His  military  services  were  lauded  to  the  skies. 
He  was  the  greatest  and  best  of  men.  The  common 
people  were  enraptured  with  his  military  glory.  Any 
one  who  opposed  him  was  denounced.  All  the  candi- 
dates for  office  had  to  become  Jackson  men,  or  they 
were  sure  of  defeat  in  the  election.  Many  of  Calhoun's 
friends  who  had  been  very  hostile  to  Jackson,  when 
Calhoun  himself  was  in  the  field,  were  now  most  clam- 
orous for  "old  Hickory."  I  heard  General  Thompson 
say  that  McDuffle  wrote  him  in  1822,  that  no  one 
thought  of  running  Jaekson  out  of  Tennessee,  except 
the  wagoners  of  Pennsylvania.  Henry  L.  Pinckney  was 
then  editing  the  Charleston  Mercury,  and  became  a 
"  whole  hog'"  Jackson  man. 

In  1824  General  Jackson  was  defeated  by  John  Q. 
Adams.  The  election  devolved  on  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  Congress,  and  Clay  and  his  friends  went 
over  to  Adams.  Calhoun  and  his  friends  raised  a  cry 
of  coalition  between  Adams  and  Clay.  They  were  de- 
nounced as  corrupt  and  disgraced.  It  became  almost 
an  unpardonable  offence  to  defend  Adams.  Judge Earle 
continued  an  Adams  man  till  1827.  He  was  then  neu- 
tral. This  Jackson  mania  continued  till  1828,  when  the 
agitators  in  South  Carolina  turned  their  attention  to 
the  Tariff.  Although  violent  in  their  opposition  to  the 
Tariff,  they  were  warmly  in  favor  of  General  Jackson, 
who  voted  for  the  Tariff  of  1824  and  was  avowedly  a 
Tariff  candidate. 

In  the  summer  of  1823  there  were  numerous  anti- 
Tariff  meetings  held  throughout  the  State,  as  I  have 
before  said.  At  these  meetings  MeDuffie,  Harper, 
Hayne.  Hamilton  and  other  leading  men  addressed  the 
people  in  the  most  exciting  terms.     The  Tariff  was  rep- 


History  of  Nullification.  205 

resented  as  being  destructive  of  the  Southern  States.  It 
was  called  a  system  of  robbery  and  plunder.  Resolu- 
tions were  passed  pledging- the  meetings  not  to  purchase 
any  Northern  manufactures  or  Kentucky  horses.  All 
dressed  themselves  in  homespun.  The  members  of  Con- 
gress returned  to  Washington  dressed  in  homespun. 
But  their  patriotism  was  short  lived.  They,  who  were 
first  to  set  the  example,  were,  in  many  instances,  the 
first  to  break  it.  President  Henry,  of  the  South  Caro- 
lina College,  sent  back  to  a  merchant  in  Columbia  a 
piece  of  Northern  homespun,  purchased  by  Mrs.  Henry. 
McDuffie  pulled  off  his  broadcloth  coat  and  gave  it  to 
his  servant,  sayingit  wasfit  only  for  the  livery  of  slaves. 
I  saw  Judge  Huger  refuse  to  eat  Irish  potatoes  because 
they  were  from  the  North.  General  Thompson  said  he 
would  live  on  snow  birds,  and  walk  round  the  circuit  on 
foot  rather  than  eat  Kentucky  pork  or  ride  Kentucky 
horses ! 

The  Legislature  met  in  November,  1828,  and  the 
Tariff  was  discussed  two  weeks.  Parties  were  just  be. 
ginning  to  be  formed  as  to  the  future  action  of  the 
State.  All  were  opposed  to  the  Tariff,  but  they  differed 
very  widely  as  to  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress. 
Some  were  moderate  and  others  most  violent.  Hugh 
S.  Legare  was  at  the  head  of  the  first  party,  and  Chan- 
cellor Harper  of  the  latter.  A  great  number  of  resolu- 
tions were  offered.  Almost  every  member  who  spoke 
prefaced  it  with  a  set  of  resolutions.  After  long  debate 
all  these  resolutions  were  referred  to  a  committee,  of 
which  Colonel  James  Gregg,  of  Columbia,  was  chairman. 
Colonel  William  C.  Preston  applied  to  Mr.  Calhoun  to 
write  a  report  for  the  adoption  of  the  Legislature.  This 
document  was  accordingly  prepared  by  Mr.  Calhoun, 
and  sent  to  the  committee  who  reported  it  to  the  House 
for  their  adoption.  It  was  the  embodiment  of  Nullifica- 
tion, but  disguised  with  a  great  deal  of  metaphysical 
ingenuity.    The  Legislature  were  not  prepared  at  that 


VTION. 


20^/^^^^i^W  NCLLIFICi 

time  to  adopt  it.    The  resolutions  accompanying  the 

report  were  adopted,  and  the  report  itself  ordered  to  be 
printed.  This  was  the  only  action  it  received  at  that 
time.  It  nevertheless  went  forth  to  the  world  as  the 
action  of  the  Legislature.  Thousands  of  copies  were 
printed  in  pamphlet  form,  and  distributed  all  over  the 
State  and  United  States.  It  made  a  pamphlet  of  fifty 
or  sixty  pages,  and  was  written  with  great  ability.  In 
it  the  Tariff  was  discussed  at  great  length,  and  the  right 
of  a  State  asserted  to  interpose  and  arrest  an  unconsti- 
tutional law  proposed  by  Congress.  It  was  contended 
that  this  interposition  of  a  State  must  stop  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  law  and  compel  Congress  to  call  a  Conven- 
tion of  all  the  States  to  settle  the  question.  If  three- 
fourths  of  the  Convention  should  determine  the  act  to 
be  constitutional,  then  the  State  interposing  must  yield, 
otherwise  the  act  must  be  regarded  as  null  and  void! 
This  was  the  origin  of  Nullification  in  South  Carolina. 
Prom  that  day  the  doctrine  began  to  be  embraced  and 
was  openly  avowed  by  the  politicians. 

From  1828  to  the  Fall  of  1830,  there  was  a  gradual 
formation  of  parties  in  South  Carolina,  for  and  against 
Nullification.  In  the  winter  of  1829  and  1830  occurred 
the  famous  debate  on  Foote's  resolutions,  in  which 
Governor  Hayne  announced  the  doctrine  of  Nullifica- 
tion, and  called  it  uthe  Carolina  Doctrine."  This  gave 
great  popularity  to  the  doctrine  in  South  Carolina, 
during  the  Spring  and  Summer  ensuing.  The  speech  of 
Mi*.  Webster  in  reply  to  Governor  Hayne  was  a  most 
triumphant  refutation  of  the  doctrine  and  vindication 
of  the  Constitution.  But  it  was  also  an  argument  in 
favor  of  the  Tariff,  and  therefore  not  popular  with  the 
Southern  people.  Felix  Grundy,  of  Tennessee,  took  sides 
with  Governor  Hayne  and  urged  pretty  much  the  same 
argument  in  debate. 

In  the  summer  of  1830,  the  propriety  of  calling  a 
State  Convention  in  South  Carolina  was  discussed  by 


History  of  Ni 

the  candidates  for  the  Legislature  all  over  the  State. 
On  this  question  parties  were  formed  and  elections 
turned  in  every  District.  Nullification  was  kept  in  the 
back  ground,  and  nothing  advocated  beyond  a  conven- 
tion. The  action  of  the  State  was  to  depend  on  the 
convention.  The  people  were  to  decide  for  themselves 
in  convention,  what  course  of  action  should  be  adopted 
to  resist  the  enforcement  of  the  Tariff  in  South  Carolina. 
This  was  considered  the  most  prudent  and  politic  course 
by  the  advocates  of  Nullification,  as  it  would  finite  many 
in  favor  of  a  convention,  who  were  opposed  to  the  doc- 
trine of  Nullification.  In  this  way  the  State  was  carried 
for  a  Convention,  and  ultimately  for  Nullification.  Those 
who  opposed  a  convention  were  denounced  as  Federal- 
ists, aristocrats,  and  Tariff  men,  who  were  afraid  to 
trust  the  people.  There  were  a,  good  many  who  were 
strongly  opposed  to  Nullification,  and  yet  went  for  a, 
convention  on  the  ground  that  the  people  ought  to  de- 
cide for  themselves  so  grave  and  momentous  a  question. 
There  were  others,  however,  who,  although  decided  in 
their  opposition  to  the  Tariff,  did  not  go  for  a  State 
convention.  They  could  not  see  how  it  was  possible  for 
a  convention  to  remedy  the  evil,  unless  it  was  by  resort- 
ing to  Nullification,  disunion  and  civil  war.  They 
regarded  the  convention  as  Nullification  in  disguise,  and 
that  Nullification  was  nothing  less  than  the  destruction 
of  the  National  Government.  They  were  unwilling  to 
break  up  the  Union  to  get  rid  of  the  Tariff.  This  class 
of  persons  assumed  the  name  of  "Union  men,''  and  the 
others  that  of  "States'  Rights  and  Free  Trade." 

It  was  very  natural  that  the  Tariff  men  should  fall 
into  the  ranks  of  the  Union  party,  as  they  were  not 
disposed  to  break  up  the  government  to  get  rid  of  a. 
measure  which  they  approved.  Hut  strange  as  it  may 
seem,  the  fact  is  that  many  of  the  advocates  of  the  pro- 
tective system  became  nullifiers,  and  were  soon  the  most 
violent  of  the  party !     It  would  also  seem  natural  that' 


208  History  of  Nullification. 

all  the  Federalists  should  take  sides  with  the  Union 
party,  but  many  of  these  old  Federalists  became  furious 
States'  Rightsmen  !  Robert  J.  Turnbull  was  a  signal 
instance.  Calhoun,  Hamilton  and  MeDuffie  were  the 
most  thorough  Nationalists  in  1820,  and  advocated  the 
system  of  internal  improvements,  banks,  &c.  And  they 
were  opposed  to  the  Virginia  doctrine  of  States'  rights. 
On  the  other  hand  it  might  have  been  supposed  that  the 
old  States'  Rightsmen  and  Radicals  would  have  been 
found  in  the  ranks  of  the  "Free  Trade  and  States' 
Rights  "  party.  But  this  was  not  the  case.  Judge  Smith, 
Governor  Williams,  General  Blair  and  other  prominent 
Radicals  joined  the  Union  ranks.  In  fact  there  was  in 
the  new  organization  of  parties,  a  complete  amalgama- 
tion of  all  parties  and  distinctions.  Judge  Smith  and 
Judge  Huger,  who  had  been  widely  opposed  all  their 
lives  in  politics,  found  themselves  acting  together  as 
Union  men.  Governor  Miller,  a  States'  rights  man, 
acting  in  concert  with  MeDuffie  and  Hamilton,  his  life 
long  opponents,  and  in  opposition  to  his  old  political 
leader,  Judge  Smith. 

In  most  of  the  Districts,  the  election  for  members  of 
the  Legislature  in  1830,  turned  on  the  call  of  a  State 
convention.  In  some  of  the  Districts,  however,  the  ques- 
tion of  Nullification  was  made,  as  it  ought  to  have  been, 
This  was  done  in  Abbeville  District,  and  the  anti-Nulli- 
fication ticket  prevailed.  In  Pendleton  all  the  candi- 
dates came  out  in  favor  of  a  convention,  but  some  of 
them  afterwards  went  against  Nullification.  In  Charles- 
ton the  Nullifiers  had  tact  enough  to  start  an  un- 
pledged ticket  and  succeeded  in  electing  one  or  two  of 
their  candidates.  Judge  Huger  resigned  his  seat  on  the 
Bench,  and  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  from  Charles- 
ton. Mr.  Poinsett  was  also  elected  at  the  same  time. 
Mr.  Petigru  was  beaten  for  the  Senate  by  Richard  Cun- 
ningham. In  Greenville,  General  Thompson  was  de- 
feated on  the  ground  that  he  was  in  favor  of  a  conven- 
tion. 


History  of  Nullification.  209 

The  Legislature  met  in  November  1880,  and  was  the 
ablest  Legislature  which  had  met  in  the  State  for  many 
years.  Each  party  had  put  forth  its  strongest  men.  Of 
the  Union  party,  there  were  Judge  Smith,  Judge  Huger. 
Governor  Manning,  Mr.  Poinsett,  Colonel  Williams  and 
others.  On  the  Nullification  side  there  were  Colonel  W. 
C.  Preston,  Alfred  Huger,  Barnwell  Rhett,  Colonel  F. 
Huger  and  others.  These  two  Hugers  were  then  acting 
with  the  Nullification  party,  but  both  of  them  after- 
wards were  in  sympathy  with  the  Union  party.  Judge 
Huger  made  a  speech  of  great  ability  on  the  Tariff,  Con- 
vention, Nullification,  Disunion,  &<•.  Colonel  Preston 
replied  in  a  very  eloquent  and  brilliant  speech  and  the 
debate  was  continued  for  two  weeks.  There  was  a  small 
majority  of  the  House  in  favor  of  calling  a  Convention, 
but  not  two-thirds,  so  the  measure  failed  for  a  season. 
How  the  vote  stood  in  the  Senate  I  do  not  now  remem- 
ber. It  was  confidently  expected  by  the  Union  party 
that  they  would  gain  the  ascendency  in  the  State,  at  the 
next  election.  But  in  this  we  were  greatly  mistaken. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  a  majority  of  the  Legislature 
and  a  majority  of  the  people  of  South  Carolina  were  at 
that  time  opposed  to  nullifying  the  Tariff  laws.  The 
members  were  afraid  to  record  their  votes  in  favor  of 
nullification.  The  debate  led  to  a  challange  between 
Judge  Huger  and  Barnwell  Rhett,  which  was  however 
settled  amicably  and  honorably. 

During  this  session  of  the  Legislature,  "The  Free 
Trade  and  States'  Rights  Associatioir' met  in  Columbia 
for  the  purpose  of  organizing  their  party  more  effectu- 
ally. They  had  already  formed  in  each  district  a  club 
which  the  Union  party  called  Jabobin.  These  clubs 
eventually  gave  them  the  power  of  the  State.  They 
were  first  suggested  by  Governor  Hamilton.  Their  pur- 
pose was  to  have  concert  of  action  throughout  the 
State,  raise  money,  publish  campaign  documents  and 
distribute  them  amongst  the  people.     If  the  Union  party 


210  History  of  Nullification. 

had  pursued  the  same  course  they  would  not  have  been 
beaten  so  easily  as  they  were  in  the  next  election. 

In  the  Spring  of  1831,  the  Free  Trade  Association  met 
in  Charleston.  The  most  inflammatory  speeches  were 
made  to  stir  up  the  South  against  the  North.  It  was 
pretty  well  ascertained  about  this  time  that  the  nulli- 
fiers  had  a  majority  in  the  State,  and  this  carried  over 
all  the  doubtful,  timid  and  wavering  All  who  wished 
office  joined  the  majority.  The  nullitiers  were  the 
agitators,  active  and  indefatigable,  whilst  the  Union 
party  was  wholly  inactive.  In  every  district  there  was 
a  meeting  of  these  agitators  once  a  month  on  saleday. 
and  the  doctrine  of  nullification  explained.  They 
declared  it  a  peaceful  remedy  to  get  rid  of  an  unconsti- 
tutional act  of  Congress.  It  was  said  to  be  the  Virginia 
doctrine  originated  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  1798. 

In  the  Fall  of  1831,  Mr.  Calhoun  was  elected  United 
States  Senator  in  the  place  of  General  Hayne,  whom  he 
induced  reluctantly  to  resign,  that  he  might  take  his 
place  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  General, Hayne 
was  elected  Governor  of  South  Carolina.  The  Union 
party,  about  this  time,  held  their  first  convention  in 
Columbia  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  some  mode  of  re- 
sistance to  the  Tariff.  A  Southern  convention  was 
recommended  and  delegates  appointed  to  visit  each  one 
of  the  Southern  States.  It  was  manifest  that  the  peo- 
ple desired  some  measure  of  relief  in  order  to  get  rid  of 
this  onerous  taxation.  Judge  David  Johnson  was  sent 
to  Georgia  and  addressed  the  convention  then  in  ses- 
sion at  Milledgeville.  The  object  of  this  mission  was 
however  more  to  check  the  progress  of  nullification  in 
that  State  than  anything  else.  The  nullitiers  under- 
stood this,  and  sent  Chancellor  Harper  to  counteract 
any  impression  which  Union  delegates  might  make  in 
Georgia.  Judge  King  was  sent  to  Tennessee.  He  ad- 
dressed the  Legislature  in  session  at  Nashville  and  was 
favorably  received.      Judge    Huger  and   Mr.    Poinsett 


History  of  Nullification.  211 

were  to  go  to  Virginia  and  North  Carolina.  Mr.  Cress- 
well  was  sent  to  Alabama. 

In  the  Fall  of  1832,  our  second  Union  Convention 
assembled  in  Columbia  during  the  session  of  the  Legis- 
lature. After  the  Fall  elections  were  over,  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  two-thirds  of  both  houses  of  the  Legislature 
would  be  in  favor  of  calling  a  State  Convention.  Gov- 
ernor Hayne  immediately  convened  the  Legislature, 
which  called  forthwith  a  Convention  of  the  State.  This 
Convention  embraced  the  leading  men  of  both  parties 
and  was  a  very  able  assembly.  Judge  O'Neall,  Judge 
Richardson  and  Alfred  Hnger  were  elected  by  Spartan- 
burg District,  although  they  did  not  reside  there.  Judge 
Huger  was  elected  by  Horry  District,  and  Governor 
Middleton  was  sent  from  Greenville.  On  the  other  side, 
McDuffie,  Huger,  Hamilton,  Harper,  Colcock,  Barnwell 
and   Rhett   were  elected   members    of  the  Convention. 

The  proceedings  of  this  Convention  I  have  given 
elsewhere  and  will  not  repeat  them  at  any  length.  The 
ordinance  of  nullification  was  adopted  without  debate. 

The  Union  members  saw  that  argument  would  avail 
nothing,  for  every  Nullifier  was  like  a  drilled  soldier 
ready  to  obey  orders,  and  vote  as  the  party  should 
direct.  The  ordinance  was  drawn  by  Chancellor  Harper 
and  provided  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  The  Tariff 
laws  were  declared  null  and  void,  and  the  Judges  and 
Juries  were  to  be  sworn  to  say  so  whenever  the  question 
came  before  them.  The  Legislature  was  authorized  to 
make  all  laws  for  carrying  the  ordinanceinto  effect.  The 
address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  was  written 
by  Governor  McDuffie.  Robert  J.  Turnbull  drew  the 
address  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina.  The  exposition 
of  the  Tariff  was  from  Governor  Hayne.  The  Conven- 
tion adjourned  and  the  Legislature  assembled  im- 
mediately afterwards.  They  proceeded  to  appropriate 
money  for  the  purchase  of  arms.  An  army  of  twenty 
thousand  volunteers  was  raised  to  enforce  the  peaceabh* 
remedv. 


^12  History  of  Nullification. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  the  second 
Union  Convention  assembled.  Our  object  was  to  pre- 
serve the  Union  and  defend  ourselves.  It  was  decided 
not  to  take  the  oath  of  the  ordinance.  Letters  were  re- 
ceived from  President  Jackson,  declaring;  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  State  Convention  treasonable.  The  pro- 
tection of  the  United  States  was  promised.  Forces  were 
sent  to  Castle  Pickney  and  Sullivan's  Island,  These 
Forts  were  put  in  a,  proper  state  of  defence.  General 
Scott  was  sent  to  take  command  of  the  United  States 
forces.  The  sloop  Natchez  was  stationed  in  the  port  of 
Charleston,  and  the  nullifiers  were  themselves  com- 
pletely checkmated.  The  Ordinance  of  Nullification 
declared  that  no  customs  should  be  collected  in  South 
Carolina  after  the  first  day  of  February,  1833.  But  the 
nullifiers  called  a  meeting  of  their  party,  in  Charleston, 
and  suspended  the  operation  of  the  ordinance.  Gov- 
ernor Hamilton  had  made  an  importation  of  sugar  for 
the  purpose  of  testing  the  validity  of  nullification.  He 
made  his  boast  that  they  would  all  go  to  the  death  for 
his  sugar.  But  his  sugar  was  placed  in  Castle  Pinckney, 
and  remained  there,  till  the  duties  were  paid.  No  death 
happened. 

Great  threats  were  made,  and  soon  some  show  of  pre- 
paration for  an  attack  on  Castle  Pinckney.  Contracts 
were  made  for  provisions  and  supplies  for  the  army,  on 
its  march  to  Charleston.  In  order  to  get  volunteers, 
the  militia  was  called  out  and  eloquent  appeals  made  to 
them.  But  in  the  Spring  a  compromise  of  the  Tariff 
question  was  made  at  Washington  by  Clay  and  Calhoun. 
The  protection  of  Domestic  Manufacture,  was  provided 
for,  but  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  duties  was  to  take 
place.  The  acceptance  of  this  compromise  was  very  sur- 
prising. It  was,  in  fact,  an  abandonment  of  principle, 
on  the  part  of  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  party,  as  the  com- 
promise fixed  the  Tariff  on  the  country  for  ten  years. 
Coarse  woollens  were  subjected  to  an  increase  of  duties. 


History  of  Nullification.  213 

Immediately  after  this  compromise,  the  State  Conven- 
tion was  convened  to  rescind  the  Ordinance  of  Nullifica- 
tion. The  Convention  proposed  to  pass  an  ordinance, 
requiring  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  State.  Governor 
Wilson  moved  that  all  citizens  be  required  to  take  it  at 
the  polls  before  they  were  allowed  to  vote.  The  oath 
was  at  last  abandoned,  and  the  Legislature  instructed 
to  pass  it  in  the  ordinary  way,  by  an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution.  The  Force  Bill  of  Congress,  providing  for 
the  better  collection  of  the  revenue,  was  nullified. 
General  Blair  said  this  was  like  "  the  idiot  nullifying  the 
whirlwind." 

In  the  Fall  of  1833,  the  Legislature  abolished  the 
whole  militia  system,  for  the  purpose  of  getting  rid  of 
the  Union  officers.  They  passed  a  test  oath  requiring  all 
officers  of  the  militia  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  State. 
This  oath  was  indignantly  refused  by  the  Union  party, 
and  referred  to  the  courts.  The  case  was  argued  in 
Charleston  and  Columbia,  and  decided  to  be  unconstitu- 
tional. This  was  a  great  victory  for  the  Union  party, 
and  a  sore  defeat  to  the  nullifiers.  This  oath  was  the 
subject  of  discussion  throughout  the  State,  in  the  Sum- 
mer of  1834.  When  the  Legislature  assembled,  two- 
thirds  of  both  Houses  passed  it,  and  the  Constitution 
was  accordingly  amended.  The  Committee  declared 
that  it  was  not  intended  to  be  inconsistent  with  the 
oath  to  the  United  States,  and  this  explanation  was  ac- 
cepted by  the  Union  party.  But  by  many  it  was  re- 
garded as  an  abandonment  of  principle.  In  after  years 
the  oath  was  taken  by  all  without  any  hesitation  or 
conscientious  scruples.  True  allegiance  to  the  State 
was  not  inconsistent  with  allegiance  to  the  United 
States.  There  is,  in  fact,  no  difference  in  a  Republic  be- 
tween allegiance  and  obedience.  It  might  be  said  that 
there  is  no  such  thing  as  allegiance  in  a  Republic.  The 
word  was  of  Feudal  origin,  and  has  no  application  to  a 
Republic. 


II 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CONVENTIONS 

HELD    IN    COLUMBIA,    S.   C,  IN   1832    AND    IN    1833. 


WRITTEN  BY  GOVERNOR  PERRY  IN   1872. 


I| N  the  Fall  of  1832,  a  convention  of  the  State  was 
called  for  the  purpose  of  nullifying  the  Tariff -acts  of 
Congress.  Governor  Henry  Middleton,  Colonel  Thomas 
P.  Broekman,  Silas  II.  Whitten  arid  myself  were  elected 
members  of  the  convention  from  the  District  of  Green- 
ville. Judge  Earle,  Doctor  William  Butler,  William 
Thruston  and  Colonel  Benjamin  Arnold  were  the  can- 
didates of  the  Nullification  party.  The  Union  majority 
at  the  election  was  about  four  to  one  in  Greenville. 
Governor  Middleton,  before  his  mission  to  Russia,  had 
been  a,  citizen  of  this  district,  and  owned  a  large  landed 
estate,  which  he  sold  to  George  W.  Earle,  Esq.  The 
Summer  preceding  the  election  the  Governor  had  spent 
in  Greenville,  and  as  it  was  well  known  that  he  was  a 
staunch  Union  man,  we  determined  to  put  him  in  nomi- 
nation for  the  State  Convention. 

Sunday  evening  before  the  convention  met  in  Colum- 
bia, Governor  Middleton  and  myself  went  from  the  Con- 
garee  Hotel,  where  we  were  boarding,  to  see  Judge  Uuger, 
at  Hunt's  Hotel,  near  the  State  House,  where  most  of 
the  Union  members  were  staying.  The  Judge  spoke  of 
the  propriety  of  our  not  taking  seats  in  the  convention. 
He  said  it  was  improper  for  as  to  do  so,  and  that  he 
wished  a  meeting  of  the  Union  members  that  night  to 
determine  on  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued.  After 
supper  we  all  assembled,  about  thirty  in  number,  dele- 
gates and  visitors.  Judge  Richardson  was  called  to 
the  chair,  and  Judge  Huger  made  a  long  speech  against 
the  delegates  taking  their  seats  in  the  convention.  He 
said  he  had  been  sent  by  the  Union  party  of  Charleston 
to  urge  this  course.     ''If  we  take  our  seats  in  the  con- 


History  of  the  Conventions.  215 

vention,"  said  the  Judge,  "we  shall  be  the  means  of 
keeping  the  Nullification  party  together.  We  shall  hear 
things  said  there  that  will  call  for  blood!"  He  said  it 
would  be  impossible  to  sit  there  and  listen  to  their 
speeches  without  resenting  what  is  said.  "If  they  talk 
as  I  suppose  they  will,  blood  must  be  shed  !  It  cannot 
be  avoided.'' 

Mr.  Wilkins  spoke  next,  and  said  that,  although  he 
had  been  sent  by  his  constituents  to  take  his  seat  in  the 
convention,  yet,  if  the  Union  party  thought  it  better  riot- 
to  do  so,  he  would  take  the  responsibility  of  following 
their  advice.  The  proposition  of  Judge  Huger  was  op- 
posed at  some  length  by  Colonel  Ervine  and  Colonel 
Phillips,  of  Chesterfield.  I  expressed  my  willingness  to 
acquiesce  in  any  course  that  might  be  adopted,  but  that 
I  thought  it  better  to  take  our  seats.  Judge  Richard- 
son opposed  the  proposition,  and  urged  strongly  the 
propriety  of  going  into  the  convention.  It  was  then 
agreed  to  postpone  the  further  consideration  of  the 
question  till  the  next  morning,  at  9  o'clock.  We  met  the 
next  day  agreeable  to  our  adjournment.  Judge 
Huger  was  unwell  and  did  not  attend  our  meeting.  It 
was  decided  that  we  should  take  our  seats.  The  next 
question  was,  whether  an  oath  would  be  required  of  the 
delegates,  and  if  so,  what  would  be  the  nature  of  it?  It 
seems  that  the  Union  members  had  some  suspicion  that 
an  oath  might  be  required,  which  would  be  inconsistent 
with  their  allegiance  to  the  Federal  Government.  In 
order  to  ascertain  this  fact,  a  committee  was  appointed, 
consisting  of  Judge  Richardson,  Governor  Manning  and 
myself. 

Judge  David  Johnson  then  addressed  the  caucus,  and 
informed  us  that  he  had  just  returned  from  the  State 
of  Georgia,  where  he  had  been  sent  as  a  delegate  by  the 
Union  party.  Chancellor  Harper  was  sent  as  a  delegate 
by  the  Nullification  party.  On  their  arrival  in  Milledge- 
ville,  Judge  Johnson  addressed  a  note  to  the  State  Con- 


216  History  of  the  Conventions. 

vention,  which  he  found  in  session,  and  went  before 
them  to  explain  his  views  and  those  of  his  party  in 
South  Carolina.  He  said  two-thirds  of  the  people  of 
Georgia  were  of  the  Union  party.  The  uullifiers  called 
themselves  "Resistance  Men,'7  but  would  not  assume 
the  odious  cognomen  by  which  their  political  brethren 
in  South  Carolina  were  known.  They  were  for  a  South- 
ern convention.  Both  parties  had  organized  clubs  and 
associations.  He  had  ascertained  that  the  South  Caro- 
lina uullifiers  would  go  into  a  Southern  Convention  if 
it  was  proposed  by  Georgia. 

The  State  Convention  was  organized  at  12  o'clock, 
and  was  indeed  a  most  dignified  assembly,  containing 
most  of  thegreat  men  of  both  parties  in  South  Carolina. 
They  were  tine  looking  gentlemen,  and  showed  tbegreat- 
est  respect  for  each  other  throughout  the  whole  sitting 
of  the  convention.  No  oath  was  required  of  the  mem- 
bers, and  could  not  have  been  with  any  sort  of  pro- 
priety. General  Hamilton,  then  Governor  of  the  State, 
was  elected  President.  His  address  on  taking  the  chair 
was  a  fine  and  appropriate  one.  The  members  were 
called  on  to  enroll  their  names,  by  districts,  and  the  first 
district  called  was  Greenville.  As  I  had  headed  the 
ticket  elected  from  this  district,  it  gave  me  the  honor 
of  having  my  name  at  the  head  of  the  parchment  Roll. 

A  committee  of  twenty-one  was  appointed  by  the 
President  to  take  into  consideration  the  Tariff,  and  re- 
port thereon.  The  convention  met  on  Wednesday  to 
hear  the  report,  the  Ordinance  of  Nullification  was  also 
reported,  and  expressed  very  frankly  the  purpose  and 
intention  of  the  convention.  1  remember  Judge  Huger 
said  it  had  cured  him  of  his  indisposition.  He  had  read 
it  on  his  sick  bed,  and  immediately  felt  well  enough  to 
get  up  and  dress!  But  he  said  the  address  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Tariff  reported  at  the  same  time  was  most 
ably  and  dexterously  drawn.  The  Ordinance  of  Nullifi- 
cation was  drawn  by  Chancellor  Harper,  and  the  report 


History  of  the  Conventions.  217 

on  the  Tariff  by  General  Hayne.  The  address  to  the 
people  of  South  Carolina  was  written  by  Robert  J. 
Turnbull,  Esq.,  and  declared  in  plain  language  that  no 
one  should  dare  resist  it.  The  address  to  the  people  of 
the  several  States  was  from  the  pen  of  Governor 
McDuffie,  and  was  really  drawn  with  great  ability. 

The  Union  members  held  their  caucus  every  night  and 
made  speeches,  eliciting-  the  views  of  each  other ;  and  in 
this  way  we  were  enabled  to  act  harmoniously  and  as  a 
unit  in  the  convention.  I  submitted  one  night  a  resolu- 
tion, which  I  proposed  to  offer  in  the  convention,  refer- 
ring all  the  action  of  the  convention  to  the  people  for 
ratification  or  rejection.  This  was  opposed  by  Judge 
Huger  in  a  long  speech.  I  replied,  and  said,  if  the  peo- 
ple of  South  Carolina,  were  disposed  to  adopt  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  convention,  however  abhorrent  they 
might  be  to  my  feelings  and  judgment,  I  was  disposed 
to  acquiesce  in  their  action.  Thirty  years  after  this, 
when  South  Carolina  seceded  from  the  Federal  Union, 
I  put  in  practice  the  resolution  I  then  proposed  to 
adopt.  Judge  O'Neall  and  Governor  Manning  both 
spoke  against  the  resolution.  Judge  Richardson  advo- 
cated it,  and  Governor  Middleton  was  in  favor  of  its 
adoption,  but  did  not  speak.  Finding  the  opposition 
so  strong,  I  withdrew  the  resolution. 

It  was  proposed  in  the  Union  caucus  to  send  delegates 
to  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  and  agreed  to.  Judge 
Huger  and  Mr.  Poinsett  were  appointed.  The  subject 
of  the  :'  test  oath  "  in  the  Ordinance  of  Nullification  was 
most  earnestly  discussed  in  caucus.  It  proposed  to 
swear  a  Judge  to  enforce  the  Ordinance  of  Nullification 
before  he  was  allowed  to  sit  on  the  trial  of  a  case  arising 
under  it.  Some  of  the  Judges  declared  they  would  never 
take  it,  and  others  gave  no  expression  of  opinion  on  the 
subject.  Judge  Huger  was  terrible  in  his  denunciations 
of  the  test  oath.  He  said  when  his  rights  had  to  be  ad- 
judged by  a  perjured  Judge  and  jury,  it  was  a  mockery 


218  History  of  the  Conventions. 

of  all  judicial  trials  and  justice  was  at  an  end.  The 
Ordinance  of  Nullification  was  to  go  into  operation  in 
February.  The  convention  then  adjourned,  hoping  and 
expecting  that  Congress  would  make  some  modification 
of  the  Tariff  before  the  day  when  the  ordinance  wasto  go 
into  operation. 

Towards  the  latter  part  of  December,  1832,  the  Union 
party  of  South  Carolina  met  in  convention  in  Columbia 
during  the  sitting  of  it-he  Legislature,  and  commenced 
their  session  in  the  Presbyterian  church.  The  venerable 
Colonel  Taylor,  father  of  Governor  John  Taylor,  who 
had  distinguished  himself  as  agallant  officer  of  the  Re  vo- 
lntionary  war,  was  elected  president  of  the  convention. 
Most  of  the  distinguished  Union  men  were  members  of 
this  convention.  Resolutions  were  called  for,  and  I  sub- 
mitted a  number  adopted  at  a,  public  meeting  in  Green- 
ville, as  an  indication  of  public  sentiment  amongst  my 
constituents.  They  were  referred,  with  others  of  a  simi- 
lar character,  to  a  caucus  at  which  Judge  Richardson 
presided.  Judge  O'Neall  made  a  speed)  and  advised 
moderation.  Judge  Huger  replied  with  great  tact  and 
ability.  Judge  David  Johnson  then  took  the  floor,  and 
moved  an  adjournment.  The  next  morning  he  spoke 
for  some  time,  urging  prudence  and  moderation.  Judge 
Huger  replied  in  a  noble  speech.  He  spoke  of  the 
tyranny  and  oppression  of  the  dominant  party,  the  dis- 
grace of  the  test  oath  and  the  horrors  of  disunion.  He 
completely  demolished  Judge  Johnson's  argument  and 
appeal  in  favor  of  moderation.  Whilst  speaking,  he 
said:  "Can  I  be  called  a  freeman,  when  lam  to  be  tried  by 
a  perjured  Judge  and  a  packed  jury?"  This  expression 
met  with  great  applause  from  the  whole  convention.  If 
there  had  been  any  disposition  on  the  part  of  Judges 
O'Neall  and  Johnson  to  falter  or  waver  in  this  matter, 
the  speech  of  Judge  Huger  settled  them.  There  was  no 
flinching  after  that  speech.  I  walked  with  Judge  John- 
son from  the  committee  room  to  the  church.   He  said  to 


History  of  the  Conventions.  219 

me:  "We  sliall  all  agree,"  and  then  mad  a  letter  just  re- 
ceived from  Colonel  William  Gamming,  of  Georgia,  in 
which  hedeprecated  any  turn  ultuous  rising  of  the  people. 
"This,"  said  Colonel  Cum  ming,  ''would  only  result  in  mur- 
derous broils."  He  urged  on  us  to  wait  for  the  general 
government  to  put  down  nullification  by  so  me  signal  net 
at  once  and  forever.  There  were  few  greater  or  wiser  men 
than  Colonel  William  Cumming  in  America  at  that 
time,  and  not  one  more  patriotic,  gallant  and  honora- 
ble. Judge  Johnson  told  me  not  to  go  to  the  inaugura- 
tion of  Governor  Hayne,  who  was  to  be  the  first  one  td 
take  the  test  oath,  when  he  qualified,  as  it  would  be 
countenancing  moral  perjury. 

When  the  Convention  assembled,  Colonel  Memminger 
submitted  a  plan  for  organizing-  the  Union  party 
throughout  the  State  for  self-defence  and  protection. 
"  Washington  Societies"  were  to  be  formed  in  each  dis- 
trict, with  as  many  branches  in  every  neighborhood  as 
possible.  Each  society  was  to  have  a  president  and 
three  vice-presidents.  In  case  of  emergency,  and  in 
defence  of  their  constitution  and  legal  rights,  these  soci. 
eties  were  to  become  military  companies.  Mr.  Poinsett 
was  commander-in-chief,  with  division  officers  in  differ- 
ent sections  of  the  State.  Colonel  Robert,  Cunningham 
was  appointed  for  the  upper  division  of  the  State.  This 
looked  very  much  as  if  we  were  preparing  for  war. 

Mr.  Poinsett  made  a  speech  and  told  us  that  he  had 
what  he  was  going  to  say  from  General  Jackson  himself. 
Governor  Hamilton,  General  Hayne,  McDuffie  and  Colo- 
nel Drayton  had  taken  a  very  active  part  in  the  election 
of  General  Jackson,  and  after  the  election  they  were 
invited  to  the  General's  room.  He  told  them  it  was  his 
intention  to  have  had  a  South  Carolinian  in  his  Cabinet, 
but  on  reflection  he  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  make 
such  an  appointment.  It  would  appear  as  if  too  many 
Federal  honors  were  given  to  South  Carolina.  He  him- 
self, was  a  native  of  South  Carolina;   Mr.  Calhoun,  the 


220  History  of  the  Conventions. 

Vice-President,  was  a  South  Carolinian  ;  Mr.  Poinsett.. 
who  held  the  highest  mission  in  Spanish  America,  was  a 
South  Carolinian,  and  Governor  Middleton,  who  field 
one  of  the  most  important  missionsin  Europe,  wasaciti- 
zen  of  South  Carolina.  If,  therefore,  he  should  give 
another  South  Carolinian  a  sent  in  hisCabinet,  he  would 
not  be  doing  justice  to  the  other  States,  lie  expressed 
his  great  obligations  to  them  for  their  exertions  in  his 
election,  and  regretted  thai  he  could  not  consistently, 
with  his  duty  to  the  whole  country,  reward  any  of  them 
for  their  kindness  and  friendship.  Mr.  Poinsett  said 
this  interview  had  produced  a  coldness  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  all  the  South  Carolina  delegation, except  Colo- 
nel Drayton. 

Mr.  Petigru  made  a,  speech  the  first  night  of  our  meet- 
ing, which  was  a.  very  beautiful  one.  lie  said  :  •'Nullifi- 
cation is  not  the  State,  nor  have  I  ever  believed  that  my 
country  consisted  alone  in  the  swamps  of  the  lower  part 
of  the  State,  or  the  rocks  of  the  upper  part,  nor  the 
pines  of  the  middle  State;  but  I  have  been  taught  to  be- 
lieve that  my  country  was  a  wise  and  rational  system 
of  liberty."  This  expression  was  nobly  commented  on 
by  Judge  Huger.  lie  said  he  had  remarked  a  thousand 
times  that  he  would  go  with  the  State;  but  denied  that 
the  State  was  then  acting.  The  people  had  been  cheated 
and  deceived.  He  would  lay  down  his  life  for  South 
Carolina,  but  not  for  the  tyrants  who  ruled  her.  He 
said  he  would  not  sheathe  his  sword  in  the  bosom  of  a 
brother,  but  his  own  bosom  should  become  the  sheath 
of  a  sword  before  he  would  submit  to  tyranny  and 
oppression. 

Two  letters  were  read  to  the  Convention  from  General 
Jackson,  one  to  Mr.  Poinsett  and  the  other  to  Colonel 
O'Hanlon.  In  these  letters  he  said  the  Governor's  Mes- 
sage was  rebellious  throughout,  and  if  he  raised  an  army, 
It  would  be  treason.  He  pledged  himself  to  use  all  the 
power  of  the  government  to  enforce  the  laws  and  put 


History  of  the  Conventions.  221 

down  nullification.  I  saw  and  read  the  letter  to  Colonel 
O'Hanlon  many  years  afterwards.  It  was  in  Jackson's 
own  handwriting,  and  was  exceedingly  well  written.  It 
was  a  long  letter,  and  breathed  the  same  spirit  and 
sentiments  which  were  immediately  afterwards  so  nobly 
and  eloquently  expressed  in  his  proclamation.  In  organ- 
izing the  Union  party,  Mr.  Poinsett  said  if  guns  were 
needed,  the  arsenal  at  Augusta  would  be  opened  to  us. 
"  Or,"  said  he,  "if  you  want  money  to  sustain  yourselves 
in  defending  the  country,  it  shall  be  supplied  you." 

On  my  return  home,  I  met  Colonel  Francis  H.  Huger 
at  Newberry  Court  House.  He  was  the  liberator  of 
Marquis  LaFayette,  from  the  dungeon  of  Olmuts,  and 
as  pure  and  gallant  a  gentleman  as  ever  drew  the  breath 
of  life.  He  spoke  very  freely  in  regard  to  the  action  of 
the  State  Convention  and  Legislature,  and  said  that  if 
no  one  else  in  South  Carolina  took  the  test  oath,  it 
would  place  Governor  Hayne  in  no  enviable  position. 
The  Colonel  said  Judge  Gantt  had  told  him  that  morn- 
ing that  he  would  never  take  the  test  oath.  Judge 
O'Neall  told  me  in  Columbia,  that  Judue  Earle  was  as 
unwilling  to  take  it,  as  he  or  Judge  Eichai dson  was. 

State  Convention  of  1833. 

President  Jackson's  proclamation  was  issued  soon 
after  my  return  home  from  the  Union  Convention,  and 
before  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature.  It  produced 
the  greatest  consternation  in  the  ranks  of  the  nullihers. 
They  saw  then,  for  the  first  time,  the  reality  of  their 
danger,  and  the  certainty  of  the  failure  of  the  issue  they 
were  precipitating  on  the  country.  They  had  the  whole 
weight  of  the  Federal  Government,  with  its  army  and 
navy  to  oppose,  and  found  little  sympathy  or  hope  of 
help  from  the  other  Southern  States.  Nevertheless,  they 
went  on  volunteering  and  organizing  their  troops,  as  if 
they  intended  to  be  read  v  for  action  when  the  ordinance 


222  History  of  the  Conventions. 

was  to  go  into  operation.  But  before  the  appointed 
day,  the  people  of  Charleston  held  a  meeting  in  the  cir- 
cus, and  postponed  the  ordinance  and  action  of  the 
State. 

The  State  Convention  was  ordered  by  Governor  Ham- 
ilton,  the  President,  to  meet  again  on  the  eleventh  day 
of  March,  1833,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  com- 
promise of  the  Tariff,  made  by  Clay  and  Calhoun,  and 
also  to  receive  Benjamin  \V.  Leigh, of  Virginia,  who  had 
been  sent  by  the  Legislature  of  that  State,  to  South 
Carolina,  as  a  mediator  between  her  and  the  general 
government.  The  Executive  Committee  of  the  Union 
party  issued  a  circular  directing  their  members  not  to 
attend  the  meeting  of  the  convention.  They  did  not 
think  it  proper  that  we  should  assist  in  repealing  the 
ordinance  of  Nullification.  Its  operation  had  already 
been  postponed  for  the  purpose  of  repealing  it  when  the 
Convention  should  assemble.  Letters  were  afterwards 
received  from  Judge  Huger  and  Judge  O'Neall,  counter- 
manding the  order  of  the  circular. 

The  convention  met  at  twelve  o'clock,  and  the  Presi- 
dent, General  Hamilton,  made  a  very  pretty  address, 
and  resigned  the  chair  for  the  purpose  of  its  being  filled 
by  General  Hayne,  who  had  been  elected  Governor  of 
the  State  since  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention.  The 
correspondence  of  Mr.  Leigh,  commissioner  of  Virginia, 
was  then  read,  and  ordered  to  be  printed.  Mr  Leigh 
was  invited  to  take  a,  seat  in  the  Convention.  Colonel 
Warren,  a  gallant  old  revolutionary  officer,  who  had 
lost  one  leg  in  battle,  and  who  was  a  very  warm  nulli- 
fier,  moved  that  Mr.  Leigh  be  styled  "Embassador" 
instead  of  commissioner,  inasmuch  as  he  came  from  one 
sovereign  State  as  her  representative  to  another  sov- 
ereign State,  tor  the  purpose  of  mediating  between  her 
and  a  third  power  or  government.  There  was  a  good 
deal  of  logic  in  the  gallant  old  Colonel's  motion,  had  the 
premises  been  as  true  as  they  were  assumed  to  be  by  the 


History  of  the  Conventions.  223 

r'oc-trTie  of  nullification.  But  no  one  had  the  courtesy 
1o  second  the  motion,  and  it  failed.  Mr.  Leigh  then 
made  his  appearance.  He wasa  fine  looking  gentleman, 
stout  and  well  built,  ordinary  stature,  and  about  fifty 
years  old.  We  were  all  pleased  with  his  appearance  and 
deportment,  whilst  he  remained  in  Columbia.  Mr.  Leigh 
had  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  Virginia's  greatest 
men,  and  the  ablest  lawyer  in  the  State. 

Mr.  Calhoun,  who  had  just  returned  from  Washington, 
was  also  invited  to  take  a  seat  in  the  convention.  He 
looked  a  good  deal  fatigued  and  care-worn.  1  heard 
him  say  afterwards,  that  he  had  to  ride  in  an  open 
wagon  in  order  to  reach  Columbia  in  time  for  the  con- 
vention. The  adjustment  of  the  Tariff,  the  mediation  of 
Virginia,  and  the  passage  of  the  force  bill  were  all  referred 
to  the  committee  of  twenty-one.  Wednesday  the  com- 
mittee reported  an  ordinance  repealing  the  Ordinance  of 
Nullification,  and  accepting  the  adjustment  of  the  Tariff 
as  a  triumph  of  nullification.  The  report  accompany- 
ing the  ordinance  boasted  a  good  deal  of  the  efficacy  of 
nullification.  But  some  of  the  hottest  milliners  did  not 
regard  the  compromise  as  a  victory,  and  accepted  it  with 
great  reluctance.  Governor  Miller,  then  United  States 
Senator,  spoke  at  length  on  the  subject  of  the  Tariff, 
and  gave  the  history  of  Clay's  bill,  with  a  great  many 
hard  thrusts  at  General  Jackson.  Barnwell  Rhett,  then 
Barnwell  Smith,  made  a  most  violent  speech,  and  said 
he  had  lost  all  attachment  to  the  Union,  and  defied  any 
one  to  lay  his  hand  upon  his  breast  and  say  he  loved 
the  Union  !  He  said  the  report  was  untrue,  and  that  he 
voted  for  the  report  on  the  ordinance  on  account  of  the 
mediation  of  Virginia,  and  not  on  account  of  Clay's  bill. 
This  speech  called  up  the  gallant  old  Warren  with  his 
crutches.  He  said  he  hud  fought  for  the  Union,  and  bled 
for  the  Union,  and  that,  although  a  warm  nullifier,  he 
for  one,  could  lay  his  hand  upon  his  heart,  and  say  he 
loved  the  Union.     "With  the  Union,"  said  he,  "we  are 


224  History  op  the  Conventions. 

everything,  and  without  it  we  are  nothing."  These 
remarks  had  a  most  happy  effect  on  the  convention. 
Governor  Hamilton  then  rose  and  said  he  was  mortified 
at  the  criticisms  of  Mr.  Smith,  and  desired  to  know 
wherein  the  report  was  untrue.  Some  personal  remarks 
passed  between  these  two  gentlemen.  Mr.  Smith  said 
when  he  spoke  again,  it  should  be  in  a  way  that  the 
whole  world  might  hear  him.  Mr.  Robert  Barnwell 
addressed  the  convention  in  a  most  spirit-stirring  speech, 
and  was  in  favor  of  accepting  Clay's  compromise.  Gov- 
ernor Wilson  then  addressed  the  convention  in  favor  of 
the  report,  and  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  triumph  of 
nullification.  The  report  and  ordinance  were  then 
adopted. 

Judge  Richardson  also  spoke  on  the  adjustment  of 
the  Tariff.  The  Judge's  speech  brought  out  General  Mc- 
Duffie,  who  treated  the  Judge's  argument  with  some 
want  of  courtesy.  He  called  the  exceptions  which  the 
Judge  made  to  the  report  as  a  "quibble,"  a  "techni- 
cality," &c.  He  said  it  was  with  great  reluctance  he  had 
consented  to  vote  for  the  Tariff  adjustment.  The  great 
inducement  for  his  doing  so  was  the  repeal  of  the  duties 
on  silks,  linens  and  worsted  stuffs.  These  articles  were 
purchased  with  our  cotton.  Some  of  us  thought  this  a 
strange  reason  for  him  to  assign  for  his  vote.  The 
summer  before,  he  had  objected  to  the  Tariff,  because 
the  duties  on  silks,  &c,  which  were  luxuries,  had  been 
reduced,  whilst  there  was  no  reduction  on  the  necessa- 
ries of  life,  such  as  iron,  salt,  and  coarse  woollens.  Silks, 
linens,  and  worsted  stuffs  were  not  manufactured  in  the 
United  States,  and  therefore,  all  duties  on  such  articles 
were  for  revenue  and  not  for  protection.  The  North 
might  be  willing  to  let  these  articles  come  free  of  duty, 
in  order  to  raise  a  revenue  on  articles  manufactured  in 
the  United  States. 

Judge  Richardson  replied  to  General  McDuffie.  Before 
doing  so  he  came  to  my  seat  and  asked  me  if  I  thought 


History  op  the  Conventions.  225 

he  ought  to  notice  the  rudeness  McDuffie  had  shown  in 
replying  to  his  argument.  I  replied  no.  The  Judge 
then  said  :  ''Now,  upon  jour  honor  as  a  prieux  chevalier, 
you  say  this."  I  told  him  1  did  not  think  it  became  a 
gentleman  of  h's  age  and  position  to  be  too  sensitive  or 
captious.  The  Judge  and  McDuffie  had  had  some  spar- 
ring at  a  public  discussion  the  summer  preceding.  Mc- 
Duffie alluded  to  his  quitting  the  Bench  to  make  politi- 
cal speeches,  and  said  "the  shoemaker  had  better  stick 
to  his  last." 

The  ordinance  nullifying  Webster's  force  bill  came  up 
for  discussion  just  before  the  convention  adjourned.  It 
contained  an  oath  wfreh  it  was  proposed  every  man 
elected  to  office  in  South  Carolina  should  take, swearing 
that  he  was  a,  citizen  of  the  free  and  sovereign  State  of 
South  Carolina,  that  he  owed  allegiance  to  the  State, 
and  abjured  all  other  allegiance  incompatible  with  the 
same.  In  the  report  of  the  committee  the  words  "free, 
sovereign  and  independent  State,"  and  also,  "primary 
ami  paramount  allegiance,"  the  words  "  independent," 
"primary,"  and  "paramount,"  were  stricken  out  in  the 
committee  of  twenty-one,  on  motion  of  General  Hamil- 
ton. The  oath  had  been  framed  by  a  sub-committee,  of 
which  Turnbull  was  Chairman.  Whilst  it  was  under 
discussion  in  the  con ventian,  Robert  Barnwell  moved  to 
strike  out  the  oath  altogether.  He  wished  the  Legisla- 
ture to  pass  the  oath  in  the  ordinary  way,  by  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution.  Jude  O'Neall  made  a  capital 
speech  in  favor  of  striking  out.  Chancellor  Harper 
replied,  and  went  into  the  doctrine  of  Nullification  at 
great  length.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  said  that 
in  no  other  country  in  the  world,  would  the  assembling 
of  such  a  body  as  the  Union  convention  have  been  per- 
mitted. They  were  actuated  by  a  rebellious  spirit,  and 
actually  nosing  the  Legislature  in  their  capital.  This 
severe  and  harsh  language  was  unexpected  from  Judge 
Harper,  and  gave  just  offense  to  his  Union  friends,  sev- 


26  History  of  the  Conventions. 

eral  of  whom  were  on  the  Bench  with  him.  Robert  J; 
Turnbull  then  took  the  floor,  and  spoke  like  a  tyrant 
would  have  done  with  the  game  in  his  own  hands.  In 
the  course  of  his  remarks  he  poured  out  the  vials  of  his 
wrath  on  the  Union  party.  Colonel  Phillips,  of  Chesterv 
field,  afterwards  a  member  of  Congress  from  Mobile, 
Alabama,  replied  to  him  with  great  and  deserved 
severity.  His  remarks  were  personal.  General  HamiK 
ton  went  over  to  Turnbull  and  sat  by  him  whilst  Phillips 
was  speaking,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  urged  him  not  to 
reply.  Phillips  was  a  young  man  of  spirit  and  talent. 
As  soon  as  he  took  his  seat  Colonel  Warren  took  the 
floor  and  moved  an  adjournment.  He  said  we  were 
getting  too  hot,  and  he  wanted  timeforus  to  cool  down. 
It  was  Saturday  evening,  and  he  said  we  could  go  to 
church  Sunday,  hear  prayers,  and  come  back  Monday 
morning,  better  prepared  for  business.  The  convention 
took  a  recess  till  five  o'clock  that  evening. 

When  we  met  in  the  evening,  the  mediation  of  Virginia 
came  up.  and  whilst  the  report  and  resolutions  were 
under  discussion,  I  moved  that  they  be  separated,  and 
gave  as  a  reason  for  my  motion,  that  I  could  vote  for 
the  resolutions  with  a  great  deal  of  pleasure,  but  the 
report  contained  doctrines  which  I  could  not  sanction 
with  my  vote.  They  were  accordingly  separated  and 
the  resolutions  passed  unanimously.  The  convention 
then  adjourned  till  Monday. 

It  was  generally  understood  that  further  efforts  would 
be  made  to  bring  about  a  compromise  between  the  two 
parties,  and  our  abandonment  of  the  test  oath.  When 
the  convention  met  Monday  morning,  Mr.  Burt,  of 
Abbeville,  came  to  me,  and  said  that  his  party  were 
anxious  to  hear  the  Union  members  express  their  senti- 
ments, freely  and  fully  on  Wilkius'  bill,  that  if  they  would 
pledge  themselves  to  resist  that  odious  force  bill,  it 
would  have  great  weight  with  the  milliners  in  dropping 
the  test  oath.    Judge  Colcock  rose  and  called  on  Judge 


History  of  the  Conventions.  227 

O'Neall  to  let  them  know  the  views  of  the  Union  mem- 
bers. He  also  expressed  the  hope  that  other  members 
of  the  Union  party  would  favor  the  convention  with 
their  views  on  the  force  bill.  Judge  O'Neall  addressed 
the  convention  in  a  few  remarks,  and  I  followed  in  a 
speech  of  some  length. 

I  said  that  when  I  left  home,  I  told  my  constituents 
the  Ordinance  of  Nullification  would  be  repealed,  and 
that  we  should  once  more  be  a  united  arid  happy  people. 
I  thought  there  was  no  one  in  the  convention  who 
wished  to  keep  up  any  longer  our  political  division  and 
party  excitement.  I  had  listened,  with  great  pleasure, 
to  the  remarks  of  General  Hamilton,  and  felt  grateful 
to  Mr.  Barnwell  For  the  motion  he  had  made.  The  oath 
under  consideration  was  well  calculated  to  continue  and 
perpetuate  our  party  divisions.  That  there  was  a  strong 
prejudice  on  the  part  of  trie  people  against  all  oaths  of 
a  political  or  religious  character.  That  patriotism  was 
not  worth  having  which  could  only  be  secured  by  an 
oath.  Our  government  was  one  of  opinion,  and  not 
force.  It  is  founded  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  and 
not  in  their  fears.  The  force  bill  would  become  a  dead 
letter  as  soon  as  the  ordinance  of  nullification  was 
repealed.  An  attempt  to  force  its  provisions  would  then 
be  tyranny,  and  this  I  would  always  resist,  come  from 
what  source  it  may. 

i  Governor  John  Lyde  Wilson  took  the  floor  when  I 
had  concluded,  and  made  a  most  violent  speech  against 
the  course  pursued  by  the  Union  party,  and  indulged  in 
much  coarse  abuse.  He  was  then  broken  down,  sottish 
in  his  habits,  and  a  bankrupt  in  character  and  fortune. 
Whilst  he  was  speaking  the  Honorable  A.  Burt  came  to 
vvhere  Judge  O'Neall  and  myself  were  sitting,  and 
requested  that  we  would  not  reply  to  him.  He  said 
Wilson  was  not  speaking  the  sentiments  or  feelings  of 
the  dominant  party,  and  they  disclaimed  his  language 
and  the  course  he  was  pursuing.    Judge  O'Neall  said  he 


228  History  of  the  Conventions. 

must  reply  to  some  of  his  remarks,  but  Mr.  Barnwell 
moved  a  recess  till  four  o'clock.  In  the  mean  time  the 
nullifiers  went  into  caucus  as  to  the  propriety  of  giving 
up  the  test  oath.  The  result  was,  to  refer  the  whole 
matter  to  the  Legislature  to  declare  what  allegiance 
was,  and  to  prescribe  the  oath.  When  the  convention 
re-assembled,  the  proposition,  drawn  by  Chancellor 
Johnston,  was  submitted  as  a  compromise,  and  rejected 
by  the  Union  party.  It  passed,  however,  by  a  very 
large  vote,  though  it  did  not  meet  the  approval  of  the 
most  violent  of  the  nullifiers.  Late  in  the  night  Gov- 
ernor Miller  moved  to  strike  out  the  whole  reference  to 
the  Legislature,  and  the  vote  was  73  for,  and  79  against 
striking  out.  If  all  the  union  members  had  been  present, 
the  motion  would  have  prevailed.  Governor  Miller  said 
too,  it  would  be  much  better  to  protest  against  theforce 
bill,  than  to  nullify  it.  That  if  we  protested  all  the 
South  would  be  with  us,  and  if  we  nullified  we  stood 
alone.  The  convention  dissolved  itself  about  eight 
o'clock  in  the  night. 

Messrs.  Barnwell,  Miller  and  Colcock  were  the  most 
moderate  nullifiers  in  the  convention.  Hamilton,  also, 
acted  with  considerable  moderation.  In  the  address 
delivered  by  General  Hayne,  as  President  of  the  conven- 
tion, he  stated  that  the  contest  had  just  commenced, 
and  was  not  over.  We  must  go  home,  and  keep  up  the 
spirit  by  which  we  had  been  actuated  for  years  past,  and 
that  our  services  would  yet  be  needed  by  South  Carolina. 
This  advice  of  Governor  Hayne  was  followed  until, 
thirty  years  afterwards,  the  country  was  plunged  into  a 
civil  war. 

Whilst  the  ordinance  nullifying  the  force  bill  was  under 
consideration  in  committee,  General  McDuffie  very  wisely 
enquired  how  they  proposed  to  nullify  the  military  pro- 
visions of  the  bill?  He  thought  the  army  and  navy  of 
the  United  States  required  something  more  than  an 
ordinance  to  nullify  them. 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  B.  F.  PERRY 

AT   THE 

Pub'ic  Mee'jg  in  the  Court  House,  Greenville,  S.  C„  on  Monday  the  Third  Day  of  July,  18C5. 


[This  is  the  speech  that  occasioned  so  much  excitement  at  Washington 

and  the  North,  when  it  was  published  and  ascertained  as  the  views 

of  the  '"man"  who  had  been  appointed  Provisional 

Governor  by  President  Johnson,  and  caused 

a  Cabinet  meeting.] 


R.  CHAIRMAN:  This  public  meeting  of  the  citi- 
zens of  Greenville  is  one  of  deep  humiliation 
and  sorrow.  A  cruel  and  bloody  war  has  swept 
over  the  Southern  States.  One  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  of  our  bravest  and  most  gallant  men 
have  fallen  on  the  fields  of  battle!  The  land  is  filled 
with  mourning  widows  and  orphans!  There  is  scarcely 
a  house  in  which  there  has  not  been  weeping  for  some 
one  lost.  Three  thousand  millions  of  dollars  have  been 
spent  by  the  Southern  States  in  carrying  on  this  war! 
And  now  we  are  called  upon  to  give  up  four  millions  of 
slaves,  worth  two  thousand  millions  of  dollars.  More- 
over, our  country  has  been  ravaged  and  desolated  !  Our 
cities,  towns  and  villages  are  smouldering  ruins!  Con- 
quering armies  occupy  the  country.  The  Confederacy 
has  fallen,  and  we  have  been  deprived  of  all  civil  govern- 
ment and  political  rights!  We  have  neither  law  nor 
order.  There  is  no  protection  for  life,  liberty  or  prop- 
erty. Everywhere  there  is  demoralization,  rapine  and 
murder!  Hunger  and  starvation  are  upon  us!  And  now 
we  meet  as  a  disgraced  and  subjugated  people  to  peti- 
tion the  conquerors  to  restore  our  lost  rights!  Such  are 
the  bitter  fruits  of  Secession  ! 

How  different,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  tone,  spirit  and  char- 
acter, was    that  meeting  of  the  citizens  of   Greenville, 


280  Speech. 

just  five  years  ago,  in  this  same  building:,  which  inau- 
gurated this  most  fatal,  bloody  and  disastrous  revolu- 
tion! Then  all  was  joy,  hope,  excitement  and  confidence. 
Seated  in  my  law  office,  looking  towards  this  court 
house,  I  yaw  a  crowd  of  persons  rush  ins;-  in,  composed 
of  college  hoys,  and  their  professors,  merchants, 
mechanics,  doctors,  lawyers  and  idlers  from  the  hotel, 
with  a  sprinkling  of  farmers  and  planters.  Soon  I  heard 
the  public  speaking  commence,  and  the  air  was  lent 
with  the  wild  and  rapturous  applause  of  the  excited 
audience.  The  more  extravagant  the  denunciations  of 
the  Union,  the  louder  were  the  shouts  of  applause!  I  re- 
peated in  my  heart  the  memorable  words  of  Christ: 
"Father,  forgive  them,  they  know  not  what  they  do!" 
My  mind  was  then  filled  with  the  worst  forebodings  as  to 
the  future.  I  thought  I  foresaw  all  the  evils  which  have 
since  befallen  our  beloved  country.  But  my  political 
influence  was  gone,  and  my  voice  was  powerless  to  stay 
the  angry  and  excited  feelings  of  my  fellow  citizens. 

We  were  at  that  time,  Mi-.  Chairman,  the  most  pros- 
perous, free  and  happy  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 
The  sun  had  never  shone  on  an  empire  or  nation  whose 
future  was  more  bright  and  glorious.  But  the  public 
mind  had,  unfortunately,  been  prepared,  in  the  South- 
ern States,  for  thirty  years  past,  for  an  effort  at  dis- 
union. The  people  had  been  induced  to  believe  that 
disunion  would  be  a  quiet  blessing,  and  that  it  might 
come  without  war  and  bloodshed!  The  leading  politi- 
cians of  the  South,  were  anxiously  waiting  for  some 
plausible  pretext  for  seceding  from  the  American  Union. 
The  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  a  sectional  party  at  the  North,  was 
regarded  as  a  favorable  opportunity  for  accomplishing 
their  long  cherished  purpose.  We  were  told  after  this 
event  that  there  was  no  longer  any  safety  in  the  Union 
for  slavery  or  our  constitutional  rights. 

Let  us  now  see,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  there  was  any  truth 


Speech.  231 

in  this  assertion.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  in  direct  con- 
formity of  the  Federal  Constitution.  He  was  elected  in 
consequence  of  the  political  divisions  and  dissensions  at 
the  South.  Had  the  Southern  States  been  united  on 
one  candidate,  instead  of  Voting  for  three,  the  result 
would  have  been  different.  Mr.  Lincoln  only  received  a 
little  more  than  one-third  of  the  votes  cast  in  the  Presi- 
dential election.  He  therefore  went  into  office  with  a 
large  majority  of  the  American  people  opposed  to  his 
administration.  There  was  at  that  time  a  majority  of 
twenty-seven  members  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
in  Congress  in  opposition  to  President  Lincoln.  There 
was  a  majority  of  six  members  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  opposed  to  him.  And  Sir,  a  majority  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  were  opposed 
to  the  avowed  principles  of  the  Republican  party,  which 
elected  Mr.  Lincoln.  Where  then  was  the  power  of  the 
President  to  injure  the  South,  or  invade  the  constitu- 
tional rights  of  the  Southern  Slates?  He  was  in  a 
minority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  in  the  Su- 
preme Court,  with  a  large  majority  of  the  American 
people  opposed  to  him.  He  was  powerless.  No  legisla- 
tion would  be  had  and  no  appointment  made,  without 
the  approval  of  the  Southern  States  through  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  The  election  of  President  Lincoln  was, 
then,  no  just  grounds  for  secession. 

But  it  was  urged,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  Republican 
party  would  soon  obtain  the  ascendancy  in  both  Houses 
of  Congress,  then  the  constitutional  rights  of  theSouth- 
ern  States  would  be  destroyed.  There  was  no  reason  for 
this  assertion,  when  we  reflect  that  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  were  opposed  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Republican  party.  Admit,  however,  for 
argument,  that  the  President  and  his  party  might  be  in 
the  ascendant  and  would  make  aggressions  on  Southern 
rights  and  institutions.  Then,  sir,  we  should  have  had 
the  whole  Democracy  of  the  North  rallying  around  their 


232  Speech. 

violated  constitution,  and  standing  by  the  South.  And 
if  war  had  come,  it  would  have  been  at  the  North,  where 
the  people  were  divided,  and  not  at  the  South  where  the 
people  were  all  united.  It  would  have  been  a  civil  as  well 
as  a  sectional  war,  in  the  Union,  and  for  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Union.  Hut  sir,  there  was  not  the  slightest 
probability  of  such  an  issue.  The  Republican  party 
voted  almost  unanimously  in  Congress,  in  I860,  that 
they  had  no  power  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the 
States,  and  no  wish  to  do  so,  if  they  had.  When  the 
Southern  States  seceded  from  the  Union,  and  withdrew 
their  members  from  Congress,  they  took  the  Federal 
Government  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Democracy  and 
turned  it  over  to  the  Republican  party.  They  aban- 
doned their  friends  and  allies,  the  Northern  Democracy, 
who  had  manfully  stood  by  the  South  for  more  than  a 
half  century,  to  the  tender  mercies  of  their  political  op- 
ponents and  enemies.  This  was  not  in  accordance  with 
Southern  honor  and  chivalry. 

What  other  cause  had  the  Southern  States  for  their 
act  of  secession?  For  eight  years  immediately  preced- 
ing this  revolution,  during  the  administrations  of  Presi- 
dent Pierce  and  Buchanan,  there  was  not  an  act  of  the 
Federal  Government  of  which  they  complained.  They 
could  not  complain,  for  the  government  was  in  their 
own  hands.  It  is  true  the  Northern  State  Legislatures 
had  nullified  certain  acts  of  Congress  favorable  to  the 
South.  But  was  this  just  cause  of  rebelling  against  the 
Federal  Government?  Should  they  not  have  adhered 
closer  to  that  government,  and  assisted  in  enforcing  its 
laws?  How  strange  to  think  of  the  Southern  States  re- 
belling against  a  government  of  which  they  did  not 
complain. 

It  is  said  that  the  Southern  States  left  the  Union  to 
preserve  slavery!  How  fatal  the  mistake!  Every  one 
ought  to  have  known  that  slavery  was  stronger  in  the 
Union  than  it  possibly  could  be  out  of  the  Union.    In- 


Speech.  233 

deed,  the  Union  was  its  only  safety  and  protection. 
Whilst  in  the  Union  we  Imd  the  power  of  recapturing 
our  fugitive  slavew.     Ont  of  the  Union  we  could  have  no 

such  power.  The  whole  civilized  world  was  opposed  to 
us  on  this  question,  mid  as  a  slave  jjower,  would  have 
looked  upon  us  with  scornful  jealousy. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  madness  and  folly  of  the 
Southern  States,  in  commencing  this  revolution,  is  now 
manifest  to  all.  There  was  fanaticism  at  the  South  as 
well  as  at  the  North.  Politicians  did  all  they  could  in 
both  sections  tostir  up  the  worst  passionsof  the  human 
heart,  and  make  the  people  forget  they  were  fellow  citi- 
zens of  one  great  republic.  We  were  told  that  the 
Northern  people  would  not  fight;  that  there  would  be 
no  war;  and  offers  were  made  to  drink  all  the  blood 
that  would  be  shed.  History  should  have  taught  them 
that  no  great  government  like  ours  ever  was  or  ever 
could  be  broken  up  without  war  and  all  its  dire  conse- 
quences. 

Mow  was  it,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  Southern  States 
failed  in  their  rebellion?  It  is  true  that  the  contest  was 
a  most  unequal  one.  Eight  million  persons  fighting 
against  twenty-two  millions!  The  one  having  neither 
government,  army,  navy  or  manufactures;  and  the 
other  having  all  these,  with  an  influx  of  foreigners  and 
Southern  negroes  to  increase  their  strength.  The 
Southern  people  are  an  impulsive,  enthusiastic  people, 
but  they  want  theenergy  and  perseverance  of  the  North. 
I  said  to  my  friends  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  that 
my  greatest  apprehension  was,  that  our  soldiers  would 
get  tired  of  the  war  and  quit  it.  I  did  not  believe  it  pos- 
sible to  hold  in  subjection  eight  millions  of  people,  scat- 
tered over  such  an  immense  territory  as  composed  the 
Southern  States,  if  they  were  disposed  to  make  any  and 
every  sacrifice,  as  the  Dutch  Republic  did  in  their  war 
of  independence.  But,  sir,  one  great  cause  of  our  failure 
was,  that  the  heart  of  the  Southern  people  never  was 


234  Speech. 

in  this  revolution !  There  was  not  a  State,  except  South 
Carolina,  in  which  there  was  a  majority  in  favor  of 
secession  !  Even  in  South  Cai  olina,  there  were  many  dis- 
tricts in  which  one-half  of  the  voters  did  not  go  to  the 
polls. 

Mr.  Chairman,  T  will  here  frankly  say,  as  I  have  often 
said  during-  the  past  four  years,  that  there  was  not  a 
man  in  the  United  States  who  more  deeply  regretted 
the  secession  of  the  Southern  States  than  I  did  at  the 
beginning  of  the  revolution.  There  is  not  now  in  the 
Southern  States  any  one  who  feels  more  bitterly  the 
humiliation  and  degradation  of  going  back  into  the 
Union  than  I  do.  Still,  1  know  that  I  shall  be  more 
prosperous  and  happy  in  the  Union  than  out  of  it. 

It  has  been  too  common,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  attribute 
the  failure  of  this  great  revolution  to  the  President  of 
the  late  Confedracy.(*)  This,  sir,  is  a  mistake.  The 
people  were  themselves  to  blame  for  its  failure.  They  were 
umyiliirg  to  make  those  sacrifices  which  were  essential  to 
its  success.  Many  who  were  most  prominent  in  t  he  move- 
ment, never  did  anything  for  it  after  the  warcommeneed. 
Instead  of  seeking  their  proper  position,  in  front  of  the 
battle,  they  sought  "  bomb-proofs"  for  themselves  and 
their  sons.  There  were  others  who  got  into  "soft 
places"  and  official  positions,  where  they  could  specu- 
late and  make  fortunes  on  government  funds.  In  fact, 
towards  the  latter  part  of  the  war,  it  seemed  that  every- 
one was  trying  to  keep  out  of  the  army,  and  was  willing 
to  pay  anything,  and  make  any  sacrifice  to  do  so. 
When  General  Johnston  surrendered  his  army,  he  had 
on  his  muster  roll  seventy  thousand  men,  but  only  four- 
teen thousand  to  be  carried  into  battle!  General  Lee's 
army  was  in  the  same  condition.  Where  were  the  ab- 
sentees? At  home,  on  furlough,  staying  over  their  fur- 
loughs, deserted  and  straggling.     At  no  time  during  the 


hNoTE. — Jefferson  Davis. 


Speech.  235 

last  three  years  of  the  war,  was  there  more  than  one- 
third  of  the  army  ready  to  march  into  battle!  How  was 
it  possible  for  the  Southern  people  to  succeed,  acting 
thus? 

Congress,  too,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  greatly  to  blame  for 
their  exemptions.  All  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and 
forty-five,  should  have  been  forced  into  the  army  and 
kept  there.  It  mattered  not  whether  he  was  a  doctor, 
lawyer,  preacher,  politician,  editor,  or  school  teacher. 
If  an  able  bodied  man,  he  should  have  been  sent  to  the 
army.  But  strange  to  say,  the  two  classes  of  men  who 
were  mainly  instrumental  in  plunging  their  country  into 
this  mad  revolution,  were  all  exempted  by  Congress, 
from  fighting.  1  allude  to  the  politicians  and  news- 
paper editors,  and  sad  to  say,  many  of  the  preachers  of 
the  gospel  encouraged  it.  This  was  not  fair.  The  man 
who  gets  up  a  fight  should  always  take  his  share  of  it. 

It  has  been  said,  and  repeated  all  over  the  Southern 
•States,  that  the  South  has  sustained  a  great  loss  in  the 
death  of  President  Lincoln:  I  do  not  think  so.  Presi- 
dent Johnson  v<  a  much  abler  and  firmer  man  than  Lin- 
coln was.  He  is  in  every  way  more  acceptable  to  the 
South.  In  the  first  place,  he  is  a  Southern  man,  and 
Lincoln  was  a  Northern  man.  Heis  a  Democrat,  and  Lin- 
coln was  a  Whig  and  Republican.  President  Johnson 
was  a  slaveholder,  well  acquainted  with  the  institution, 
and  knows  what  is  proper  to  be  done  in  the  great 
change  which  is  taking  place.  President  Lincoln  was 
wholly  unacquainted  with  slavery  and  Southern  insti- 
tutions. President  Johnson  is  a  man  of  iron  will  and 
nerve,  like  Andrew  Jackson,  and  will  adhere  to  his  prin- 
ciples and  political  faith.  On  the  other  hand,  President 
Lincoln  showed  himself  to  be  nothing  more  than  clay  in 
the  hands  of  the  potter,  read y  to  change  his  measures  and 
principles  at  the  bidding  of  his  party.  President  John- 
son has  filled  all  the  highest  and  most  honorable  offices 
in  the  State  of  Tennessee,  with  great  ability,  and  satis- 


23  f>  Speech. 

faction  to  the  people.  There  is  no  stain  or  blot  on  his 
private  character.  The  ablest  speech  ever  delivered  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  issues  between 
the  North  and  South,  was  made  by  President  Johnson. 
He  voted  for  Breekeiiridge  in  the  Presidential  canvass 
of  1<S(50.  Judging  then  fi  0111  his  antecedents,  the  South 
should  have  every  hope  and  confidence  in  him. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  future  to  my  mind,  is  not  so 
gloomy  as  some  would  have  us  believe.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  in  ten  years  the  Southern  States  will  be 
happy  and  prosperous  again,  and  we  shall  find  that  the 
loss  of  slavery  will  be  no  loss  at  all  to  our  real  comfort 
and  satisfaction.  The  planter  and  farmer  will  find  that 
his  net  profits  are  greater,  with  hired  labor  than  with 
slave  labor.  Every  landholder  can  rent  his  farm  or 
plantation  for  one-third  of  the  gross  products.  This  is 
more  than  he  now  makes  net,  after  subsisting  his  slaves. 
In  truth,  very  few  farmers  in  this  region  of  country  make 
anything  except  by  the  increase  of  his  slaves.  These  a  re 
divided  out  amongst  his  children  at  his  death,  ami  they 
pursue  the  sameeourseof  toilingand  struggling  through 
life  to  raise  negroes  for  their  children.  And  thus  the 
system  goes  on  ad  infinitum  without  profits  or  remu- 
neration. The  lands  are  worn  out,  and  the  country 
remains  unimproved.  If  a  planter  or  farmer  is  enabled 
to  save  anything,  after  supporting  his  establishment,  it 
is  invested  in  the  purchase  of  more  slaves.  Hence 
increased  wealth  adds  nothing  to  the  enjoyment  of  life, 
or  to  the  improvement  of  the  country. 

The  idleness  and  vagrancy  of  the  negro  in  a  free  state 
may  be  a.  nuisance  to  society.  It  must  be  corrected  in 
the  best  way  we  can.  No  one  should  turn  off  his  negroes 
if  they  are  willing  to  remain  with  him  for  their  victuals 
and  clothes  and  work  as  they  have  heretofore  done. 
They  have  had  no  agency  in  bringing  about  the  change 
which  has  taken  place,  and  we  should  feel  no  ill-will 
towards  them  on  that  account. 


Speech.  237 

Mr.  Chairman,  as  much  as  we  all  feel  the  humiliation 
and  degradation  of  our  present  situation,  and  deeply 
lament  the  losses  which  have  befallen  the  Southern 
States;  yet  we  should  be  happy  to  know  that  this  cruel 
and  bloody  war  is  over,  and  that  peace  is  once  more 
restored  to  uiir  country.  This  is  a  great  consolation 
amidst  our  wants,  distresses  and  humiliation.  The  hus- 
band will  have  no  longer  to  leave  his  wife  and  children ; 
the  father  and  mother  will  not  be  called  upon  any  more 
to  give  up  their  sons  as  victims  to  the  war.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that,  in  a  very  short  time,  civil  government  will 
be  restored  in  South  Carolina;  that  law  once  more  will 
reign  supreme  over  the  State,  and  that  life,  liberty  and 
property  will  be  protected  everywhere,  as  they  hereto- 
fore have  been. 

The  resolutions  submitted  to  this  meeting  express  a 
hope,  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Greenville,  that  the 
President  will  enlarge  his  amnesty  proclamation,  and 
grant  a  pardon  to  all  those  who  are  liable  to  prosecu- 
tion. The  secession  of  the  Southern  States  was  far 
greater  and  very  different  from  a  rebellion  proper.  It 
was  organized  by  constitutional  sovereign  States,  acting 
in  their  sovereign  capacity,  and  not  by  unauthorized 
assemblages  of  citizens.  Treason  may  be-  committed 
against  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  as  well  as  against 
the  United  States.  After  South  Carolina  left  the  Union 
all  her  citizens  were  liable  as  traitors  in  the  State  courts 
who  took  sides  with  the  United  States  and  fought 
against  her.  If  they  were  liable  to  be  punished  as  trai- 
tors in  the  United  States  courts  for  taking  sides  with 
the  State,  then  all  were  traitors  and  liable  to  be  executed 
as  traitors,  whether  they  fought  for  or  served  the  one 
or  the  other  government.  This  would  indeed  be  a  most 
cruel  and  lamentable  condition.  Death  was  their  por- 
tion, act  as  they  might.  To  stand  neutral  they  could 
not,  and  to  choose  between  the  State  and  United  States 
was  death  !    Surely  a  principle  so  monstrous  and  absurd 


288  Speech. 

cannot  be  enforced.  There  were  thousands  and  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  in  the  Southern  States  who  deeply 
regretted  the  secession  of  their  States,  but  after  the 
State  seceded  felt  that  their  first  allegiance  was  due  the 
State. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  secession  of  eleven  or  twelve 
sovereign  States,  composing  one-half  of  the  territory  of 
the  United  States,  was  something  "more  than  a  rebellion. 
It  was  legitimate  war  between  the  two  sections,  and 
they  acted  towards  each  other  throughout  the  war  as 
recognized  belligerents,  and  were  so  treated  and  recog- 
nized by  foreign  nations.  Prisoners  were  exchanged 
between  the  two  belligerents,  and  none  were  treated  as 
traitors  during  the  whole  of  the  four  years'  war.  Hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  prisoners  were  thus  exchanged. 
The  highest  generals  as  well  as  the  humblest  privates 
were  treated  as  captured  soldiers  by  both  governments 
and  exchanged.  Surely  a  general  officer  who  has  been 
exchanged  while  this  gigantic  war  was  waging,  cannot 
now  be  demanded  as  a  traitor,  tried  and  executed  as  a 
traitor.  There  have  been  few  national  wars  in  Europe 
in  which  greater  armies  were  carried  into  service  and  on 
the  field  of  battle.  To  call  such  a  war  a  rebellion  simply 
is  a  misapplication  of  terms.  The  greatest  and  best 
men  of  the  Southern  States  were  most  conscientiously 
leading  this  war,  either  in  council  or  on  the  field  of 
battle.  In  all  history  there  is  not  a  more  perfect  model 
of  a  pure  and  great  man  (save  Washington)  than 
Genekal  Lee.  That  he  should  now  be  hung  as  a 
traitor,  would  be  an  act  of  national  infamy,  that  would 
shock  the  whole  civilized  world,  and  render  the  name  of 
the  United  States  odious  in  history. 

Whilst  I  do  not  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  whole 
people  of  the  Southern  States  have  behaved  well  in  this 
war,  and  done  their  duty  at  home  and  on  the  field  of 
battle,  yet  there  is  a  very  large  proportion  of  them  who 
have  won  immortal  honors,  and  whose  glorv  in  war,  and 


Speech.  239 

wisdom  in  council  will  illustrate  many  a  bright  page  in 
history.  They  have  been  unsuccessful  in  their  revolution, 
but  this  should  not,  and  does  not,  detract  from  their 
heroic  gallantry  on  the  field  of  battle,  or  their  states- 
manship in  the  cabinet  or  halls  of  legislation.  They  will 
be  remembered  and  honored  as  heroes  and  patriots,  not 
only  at  the  South,  but  in  the  North,  too,  as  soon  as 
passion  subsides,  and  sober  reason  and  calm  reflection 
assume  their  sway  over  the  public  mind. 

I  cannot,  and  would  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  ask  my 
fellow  citizens  to  forget  the  past,  in  this  war,  so  far  as 
the  North  is  concerned.  There  have  been  deeds  of  atroc- 
ity committed  by  the  United  States  armies,  which  never 
can  be  forgotten  in  the  Southern  States.  But  I  do 
entreat  them  to  become  loyal  citizens  and  respect  the 
national  authorities  of  the  Republic.  Abandon  at  once 
and  forever  all  notions  of  Secession,  Nullification  and 
Disunion,  determined  to  live,  and  to  teach  your  children 
to  live,  as  true  American  citizens.  There  will  be  in  the 
future,  if  there  is  not  now,  as  much  of  pride  and  grand- 
eur in  the  name  of  "American  citizen,"  as  thereoncewas 
in  that  of  "Roman  citizen."  The  Republic  is  destined 
to  go  on  increasing  in  national  power  and  greatness  for 
centuries  to  come.  As  soon  as  the  ferment  of  the  revo- 
lution subsides,  we  shall  be  restored  to  all  our  civil 
rights,  and  be  as  free  and  republican  as  we  ever  were. 
There  is  no  reason  why  there  should  be  any  sectional 
jealousy  or  ill-feeling  between  the  North  and  the  South. 
They  are  greatly  necessary  to  each  other.  Their  inter- 
ests are  dependent  and  not  rival  interests,  and  now  that 
slavery  is  abolished,  there  will  be  no  bone  of  contention 
between  the  two  sections. 

I  thought,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  when  the  Southern 
States  seceded  there  was  an  end  to  Republican  institu- 
tions, that  the  great  American  experiment  was  afailure, 
and  that  we  should  soon  have,  both  at  the  North  and 
in  the  South,  strong  military  governments,  which  would 


240  Speech. 

be  Republican  in  name  only.  But,  st,  ray  hope  of 
republican  institutions  has  revived  with  the  restoration 
of  the  Union.  It  is  a  crying  shame  to  think  that  man- 
kind, free  and  enlightened,  are  not  capable  of  governing 
themselves!  That  they  must  have  a  master,  or  ruler, 
in  the  shape  of  a  king  or  monarch  to  govern  them,  who 
may  not  have  as  much  sense  or  virtue  as  the  humblest 
of  his  subjects!  If  civil  government  is  once  more  re- 
stored in  the  South,  and  the  ship  of  State  gets  fairly 
under  way  again,  we  may  be  assured  of  the  perpetuity 
of  Republican  principles. 

In  all  the  seceding  States,  except  South  Carolina  and 
Florida,  provisional  governors  have  been  appointed 
with  a  view  to  the  restoration  of  civil  authority  in  those 
States.  This  has  not  been  done  in  South  Carolina,  be- 
cause the  people  have  not  yet  given  sufficient  demon- 
stration of  their  willingness  to  return  to  their  allegiance 
to  the  United  States.  As  soon  as  this  is  done  by  the 
people,  in  their  primary  assemblies,  a  provisional  gov- 
ernor will  be  appointed  by  the  President,  with  power  to 
call  a  convention  of  the  State  for  the  purpose  of  reform- 
ing the  Constitution  and  abolishing  slavery.  When  this 
is  done  and  the  Constitution  approved  by  Congress,  the 
State  will  be  allowed  to  resume  her  position  again  in  the 
Federal  Union.  The  people  will  elect  their  members  of 
the  Legislature,  and  govern  themselves  as  heretofore 
they  have  done.  The  military  authorities  will  be  with- 
drawn, and  civil  government  restored.  In  North  Caro- 
lina all  loyal  citizens  are  allowed  to  vote  for  members 
of  the  convention  who  were  legal  voters  there  previous 
to  the  revolution.  The  same  course  will  be  pursued  in 
all  the  States.  The  right  of  suffrage  afterwards  will  be 
regulated  by  the  Legislature  of  each  State. 

The  resolutions  which  I  have  had  the  honor  of  sub- 
mitting for  the  adoption  of  this  meeting,  are  similar  in 
purport  to  those  adopted  at  Charleston,  Columbia, 
Abbeville  and  other  places.    They  simply  express  our 


Speech.  241 

willingness  to  adopt  the  terms  of  the  President's  procla- 
mation and  return  to  our  allegiance.  We  likewise  ask  for 
the  appointment  of  a  provisional  governor  and  the  res- 
toration of  the  civil  authorities.  There  is  nothing  in 
these  resolutions  to  which  the  most  sensitive  can  object. 
If  a,  man  is  in  a  loathsome  dungeon  there  is  no  impropri- 
ety in  asking  to  be  released,  no  matter  how  innocent  he 
may  have  been.  Nor  is  there  anything  wrong  in  his  prom- 
ising to  behave  himself  if  restored  to  his  liberty.  The 
resolutions  likewise  provide  for  sending  some  one  to 
represent  the  situation  of  the  country  to  the  President. 
This  has  been  done  in  other  States,  and  in  other  districts 
of  this  State.  It  may  have  some  influence  on  the  action 
of  the  Federal  Government  to  have  a  full  and  free  con- 
ference with  the  President  in  reference  to  the  condition, 
wishes  and  feelings  of  the  State.  It  is  reported  that 
President  Johnson  receives  kindly  all  suggestions  which 
are  made  in  reference  to  the  reconstruction  of  the 
States. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  thank  you  sir,  and  this  large  and 
most  respectable  assemblage  of  the  citizens  of  Green- 
ville for  their  patience  and  courtesy  in  listening  to  me, 
and  most  devoutly  pray  to  God  that  we  may  be  once 
more  a  free,  happy  and  united  people. 


«*8§»»» 


ACCOUNT 

OP  THE 

Provisional  Governorship  of  South  Carolina  in  1865. 


By  B.  F.  PFRRY. 

i  First  Published  in  1873.) 

TV  FTER  the  downfall  of  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
JlL  and  the  surrender  of  her  armies  in  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina,  there  was  no  government  in 
South  Carolina,  and  no  legal  protection  of  life, 
liberty,  or  property.  This  condition  of  affairs  was 
truly  alarming,  and  every  good  citizen  in  the  State 
was  anxious  to  see  the  establishment  of  a  Pro- 
visional Government.  In  June,  1865,  it  was  an- 
nounced in  the  newspapers  that  Governor  Aiken  had 
been  sent  for  to  Washington  and  it  was  surmised  that 
President  Johnson  desired  to  consult  with  him  in  regard 
to  the  organization  of  civil  government  in  South  Caro- 
lina. It  was  supposed  and  anxiously  wished  that  he 
might  be  appointed  Provisional  Governor  of  the  State. 
But  in  a  short  time  it  was  understood  that  Governor 
Aiken  had  been  carried  to  Washington  under  arrest,  but 
was  immediately  released  on  his  parole.  The  cause  of 
his  arrest  has  never  been  known  to  the  public.  He 
returned  to  Charleston,  and  it  was  said  he  might  still 
receive  the  appointment  of  Provisional  Governor. 

About  this  time  the  Honorable  W.  W.  Boyce  was 
announced  as  having  arrived  in  Washington  and  being- 
closeted  with  the  President,  in  regard  to  the  condition 
of  affairs  in  South  Carolina..  The  newspapers  then 
stated  that  he  was  to  receive  the  appointment  of  Pro- 
visional Governor.    Everywhere  all  over  the  State  it 


Provisional  Governorship.  248 

was  a  source  of  congratulation  that  a  gentleman  of  Mr. 
Boyce's  abilities  and  character  should  receive  the 
appointment.  Public  meetings  were  held  in  Newberry, 
Anderson  and  other  places  urging  his  appointment.  In 
the  mean  time  Mr.  Boyce  returned  home.  Judge  Orr 
went  to  see  him  and  ascertained  that  the  President  had 
said  nothing  to  him  about  appointing  him  Provisional 
Governor  of  the  State.  Mr.  Boyce  told  Judge  Orr,  that 
when  he  reached  Danville  on  his  way  to  Washington,  he 
took  the  amnesty  oath  before  a  Provost  Marshal,  aud 
got  a  certificate  of  the  same.  He  met  no  one  on  the 
cars  who  recognized  him,  and  when  he  arrived  in  the 
Federal  City,  he  went  immediately  to  an  old  widow 
lady's  with  whom  he  had  boarded  whilst  in  Congress. 
He  told  her  he  did  not  wish  it  known  that  he  was  in 
Washington.  He  then  addressed  a  note  to  the  President 
informing  him  of  his  arrival,  and  wishing  to  have  an 
interview  with  him  in  regard  to  affairs  in  South  Caro- 
lina. President  Johnson  wrote  in  reply  that  he  would 
be  happy  to  see  him  the  next  day  at  ten  o'clock.  The 
soldier  who  brought  the  note  alarmed  the  landlady  very 
much.  He  enquired  if  Mr.  Boyce  was  there.  Shn  went 
secretly  to  Boyce's  room  and  told  him  to  make  his 
escape,  for  there  was  a  soldier  below  who  had  come  there 
to  arrest  him  !  He  replied  that  it  was  too  late  to  think 
of  escaping  and  to  send  the  soldier  up.  He  came  and 
presented  the  President's  note.  The  next  morning  Mr. 
Boyce  went  to  the  White  House,  and  had  a  long  and 
very  agreeable  interview  with  President  Johnson.  He 
called  two  or  three  times  before  he  returned  to  South 
Carolina. 

The  people  of  Charleston,  feeling  more  sensibly  than 
any  other  portion  of  the  State,  the  urgent  necessity  of 
a  restoration  of  civil  government,  called  a  public  meet- 
ing for  the  purpose  of  petitioning  the  President  for  the 
appointment  of  a  Provisional  Governor.  ButRedpath, 
a  low  Yankee  officer,  got  a  number  of  Negroes  to  attend 


244  Provisional  Governorship. 

the  meeting  and  broke  it  up.  The  citizens  then  thought 
it  advisable  to  send  five  or  six  gentlemen  to  Washing- 
ton, without  the  formality  of  a  public  meeting,  who 
would  seek  an  audience  with  the  President.  Judge 
Frost,  Mr.  Gaer.  Colonel  Yates  and  others  were  pre- 
vailed upon  to  execute  this  mission.  These  gentlemen 
were  sent  by  the  friends  of  Governor  Aiken,  as  Judge 
Frost  afterwards  told  me,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring 
the  appointment  for  him.  On  their  arrival  in  Washing- 
ton they  sought  and  obtained  an  audience  with  Presi- 
dent Johnson.  In  the  course  of  their  conversation  they 
urged  on  the  President  the  imperative  necessity  of 
appointing  a  Provisional  Governor  for  South  Carolina. 
I  have  this  statement  from  Judge  Frost  and  Mr.  Gaer. 
The  names  of  Governor  Aiken,  Mr.  Boyce,  Colonel 
McAlilley,  Governor  Manning  and  myself  were  men- 
tioned. Some  one  of  the  Committee  undertook  to  speak 
of  the  character  and  claims  of  Governor  Aiken.  The 
President  stopped  him  and  said  :  "  You  need  not  tell  me 
anything  about  Governor  Aiken.  I  know  him  as  well  as 
you  do."  When  my  name  was  mentioned,  he  asked  if  I 
was  "Ben  Perry?"  He  said  he  knew  me  very  well. 
Judge  Frost  understood  him  to  say  that  he  knew  me  in 
Greenville  and  inferred  from  something  said  that  the 
President  and  I  had  been  schoolmates.  This  was  alto- 
gether a  misapprehension  of  the  Judge.  President 
Johnson  then  inquired  of  them  if  I  "was  not  too  much 
of  a  people's  man  for  them  ?"  Judge  Frost  replied  "  not 
at  all,"  and  that  I  would  be  very  acceptable  to  the  State 
generally.  Mr.  Gaer  said  the  objection  to  me  would  be 
that  I  had  accepted  the  office  of  District  Judge  from 
Jefferson  Davis,  just  before  the  collapse  of  the  Confed- 
erate Government.  The  President  replied  :  "  That  is  no 
objection  at  all  to  his  appointment." 

The  Committee  called  once  or  twice  before  the  appoint- 
ment was  made.  Mr.  Gaer  told  me  that  as  soon  as  my 
name  was  mentioned,  he  saw  at  once  the  President's 


Provisional  Governorship.  245 

preference.  My  commission  as  Provisional  Governor  of 
South  Carolina  met  me  at  Ninety-Six,  on  my  way  to 
Washington  as  one  of  a  Committee  appointed  by  the 
people  of  Greenville  to  urge  on  the  President  the  resto- 
ration of  civil  government  in  South  Carolina.  I  had 
never  thought  of  receiving  the  appointment  and  did  not 
desire  it,  as  I  supposed  the  Governor  would  have  to 
enforce  rules  and  regulations  which  might  be  odious  to 
the  people.  But  in  this  supposition  I  was  altogether 
mistaken.  Every  official  act  I  had  to  perform  was  that 
of  protection,  kindness  and  mercy.  In  no  instance  did 
it  become  my  duty  to  oppress,  injure  or  wound  the  feel- 
ings of  any  one.  On  the  contrary,  I  was  recognized  by 
the  President  as  a  shield  between  the  arbitrary  acts  of 
the  military  and  the  suffering  people.  I  had  unlimited 
discretion  in  pardoning  whom  I  pleased;  that  was  every 
one  who  applied  for  a  pardon.  In  every  conflict  with 
the  military  authorities,  I  was  sustained  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  cabinet. 

When  I  arrived  in  Washington,  I  addressed  a  note  to 
the  President  informing  him  that  I  had  received  my 
commission  and  sought  an  audience  with  him  to  receive 
my  instructions,  and  learn  my  duties  as  Provisional 
Governor.  No  reply  was  received  that  day  or  the  nextf 
Governor  Dennison,  Postmaster  General,  suggested  to 
me  that  my  note  had  not  been  received  by  the  President, 
and  very  kindly  went  to  see  him  and  inquired  about  it. 
Soon  afterwards  I  received  a  note  from  President 
Johnson,  appointing  an  hour  that  evening  for  me  to 
call  on  him.  I  went  in  company  with  Judge  Orr  and 
several  other  gentlemen  from  South  Carolina.  We  were 
recei  ved  most  graciously  by  the  President.  I  endeavored 
to  impress  on  his  mind  that  South  Carolina  had  deter- 
mined to  accept  the  condition  in  which  she  was  placed 
by  the  war,  was  ready  to  comply  with  the  terms  of  his 
Proclamation,  would  abolish  slavery,  and  be  once  more 
a  loyal  State.     The  President  was  so  much  gratified  at 


246  •       Provisional  Governorship. 

my  representation  of  affairs  in  South  Carolina,  that  he 
requested  me  to  call  on  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State, 
and  repeat  my  conversation  to  him. 

After  a  most  cordial  and  gratifying  interview  of  an  hour 
or  two  the  gentlemen  who  accompanied  me  withdrew 
and  left  the  President  and  myself  alone.  I  then  said  to 
him:  "Mr.  President,  I  should  like  to  know  how  you 
came  to  appoint  me  Provisional  Governor?"  He  had 
told  my  son  Frank,  then  in  the  Naval  Academy  at 
Annapolis,  in  1859,  that  he  knew  me  very  well.  He  said 
the  same  thing-  to  Governor  Swain,  of  North  Carolina, 
who  in  early  life  was  a  schoolmate  of  mine.  1  thought  it 
probable  that  he  had  seen  me  and  knew  me  whilst  he  was 
journeyman  tailor  at  Laurens,  S.  C,  in  1827  and  '28. 
But  1  had  no  remembrance  of  ever  having  seen  him. 
except  once  whilst  he  was  a  member  of  Congress  in  1846. 
He  was  then  pointed  out  to  me  by  the  Hon.  11.  F.  Simp- 
son, my  representative  in  Congress,  but  1  did  not  make 
his  acquaintance.  The  President  replied  by  saying  that 
we  lived  only  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  apart  and 
that  of  course  he  knew  all  about  me. 

In  speaking  of  the  convention  which  would  have  to 
assemble  in  South  Carolina,  he  advised  me  to  make  the 
white  population  alone  the  basis  of  representation.  In 
this  Judge  Orr  concurred  with  him.  I  replied  that  the 
two  great  elements  of  all  government,  good  or  bad,  were 
population  and  property,  and  that  both  ought  to  be 
represented  in  every  form  of  a  Republican  Government. 
The  basis  of  representation  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  South  Carolina  was  property  and  population  in 
an  equal  ratio:  and  I  should  adopt  it  in  calling  a  con- 
vention. He  suggested  that  I  should  ignore  the 
Parishes  entirely  in  the  election  of  Delegates,  and  direct 
each  Judicial  District  to  elect  a  certain  number  of  Del- 
egates. 1  said  I  had  no  doubt  the  State  Convention 
would  abolish  this  anomalous,  arbitrary  feature  in  our 
government,  but  that  I  did  not  think  it  prudent  for  me 


Provisional  Governorship.  247 

to  do  so.  I  had,  all  my  life,  been  opposed  to  this  Parish 
system  of  electing  members  of  the  Legislature,  on  the 
ground  that  there  was  no  justice  or  political  equality  in 
a  small  Parish,  with  twenty  or  thirty  voters,  having 
the  same  voice  and  representation  in  legislation  with  a 
large  District  which  polled  five  or  six  thousand  votes, 
and  had  ten  times  the  property  of  the  Parish.  It  was 
the  rotten  Borough  system  of  England,  which  had,  at 
length,  been  abolished  in  that  Kingdom.  When  the 
Parish  system  was  adopted  in  South  Carolina,  and  the 
rotten  Borough  system  in  England,  it  may  have  been  a 
fair  representation  of  the  two  countries.  But  the  con- 
dition of  both  had  since  changed.  Wealth  and  popula- 
tion had  increased  most  astonishingly  in  one  section  of 
the  country,  and  diminished  in  another.  The  lower 
country  of  South  Carolina  had  declined  since  the 
adoption  of  the  Parish  system,  and  the  upper  part  of 
the  State  had  prospered  and  quadrupled  tjer  population 
and  wealth.  I  said  if  I  left  the  Parish  system  for  the 
convention  to  abolish  it  would  give  very  little  dissatis- 
faction, but  if  I  ignored  it  in  calling  a  convention,  it 
would  produce  a  very  unpleasant  excitement. 

The  President  was  in  favor  of  giving  the  election  of 
Governor  to  the  people,  and  also  the  election  of  Electors 
of  President  and  Vice-President.  In  these  reforms  I  con- 
curred with  him  most  heartily,  and  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  them  adopted  by  the  convention. 

I  inquired  of  him,  if  our  new  State  Constitution  when 
adopted,  would  have  to  be  submitted  to  Congress  for 
their  approval?  He  replied  that  it  would  not,  and  ex- 
pressed a  wish  that  I  would  use  all  dilligence  in  having 
the  State  reconstructed,  and  members  of  Congress 
elected  to  take  their  seats  as  soon  as  that  body  as- 
sembled. 

I  then  returned  to  the  hotel  and  immediately  wrote 
my  Proclamation,  and  forwarded  it  to  South  Carolina 
for  publication  in  all  the  newspapers  of  the  State.     In  it 


248  Provisional  Governorship. 

L  restored  to  office  all  civil  officers,  who  were  in  office  at 
the  suspension  of  civil  government  in  South  Carolina. 
They  were  simply  required  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance 
presented  by  the  President  in  his  Proclamation.  This 
saved  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble  and  annoyance  in 
selecting  and  appointing  to  office,  from  the  thousands 
of  applications  that  would  have  been  made.  I  had  con- 
fidence in  the  integrity  and  honor  of  the  old  officers,  and 
knew  they  had  been  elected  by  the  people.  I  did  not 
wish  to  enquire  whether  an  officer  had  been  a  secessionist 
or  Union  man,  nor  had  I  any  disposition  to  make  my 
patronage  a  source  of  reward  to  personal  friends.  Many 
of  those  restored  to  offices  had  been  my  bitterest  politi- 
cal enemies. 

The  next  interview  I  had  with  the  President,  we  were 
alone  and  sat  from  seven  in  the  evening  till  ten  o'clock 
at  night,  conversing  about  the  future  of  our  unhappy 
and  distracted  country,  and  how  it  was  best  to  conduct 
affairs  in  South  Carolina.  As  I  was  about  taking  my 
departure,  he  walked  with  me  to  the  door,  and  requested 
that  I  would  write  him  occasionally,  and  let  him  know 
how  I  was  getting  on  in  reconstructing  the  State.  I 
then  told  him  I  had  already  issued  my  Proclamation, 
and  it  was  on  its  way  to  Columbia,  S.  C.  He  seemed 
surprised,  and  replied  that  1  had  been  very  expeditious. 
He  inquired  what  1  had  said  in  my  Proclamation.  I 
informed  him  that  I  had  restored  to  office  all  the  civil 
officers  of  the  State,  except  those  who  were  under 
arrest.  I  said  I  thought  that  I  could  rely  on  their  loy- 
alty, that  they  had  been  elected  by  the  people,  were 
familiar  with  their  official  duties;  and  would  give  more 
satisfaction  than  new  appointments.  I  told  him  it  was 
impossible  to  fill  the  various  offices  with  Union  men  in 
South  Carolina.  The  people  had  all  taken  sides  with 
the  State,  when  she  seceded,  and  that  there  was  no 
Union  party  in  South  Carolina  after  the  civil  war  com- 
menced.    This  was  strictly  true,  but  afterwards,  there 


Provisional  Governorship.  249 

were  a  great  many  political  scoundrels  who  pretended 
for  the  sake  of  office,  that  they  had  always  been  true  to 
their  allegiance  to  the  United  States. 

I  stated  to  him  that  there  was  then  equal  unanimity 
in  returning  to  the  Union — and  that  all  were  once  more 
Union  men.  They  would  have  rejoiced,  of  course,  if  the 
Confederacy  had  been  successful,  and  they  perilled  life — 
property — honor  in  the  issue.  But  the  fate  of  battle  had 
decided  against  them,  and  they  acquiesced  in  the  decree 
of  Almighty  God.  He  replied  that  Governor  Sharkey,  of 
Mississippi,  had  adopted  the  same  course  in  all  of  his  ap- 
pointments. I  said  the  course  I  had  pursued  was  origi- 
nal with  myself,  and  I  had  explained  it  to  the  Hon. 
Robert  W.  Barnwell  and  other  friends,  before  Governor 
Sharkey  had  issued  his  Proclamation,  and  before  I  left 
home,  immediately  after  hearing  of  my  appointment. 
The  President  made  no  objection  to  my  restoring  the 
old  officers,  or  to  anything  else  contained  in  my  Procla- 
mation. General  Gil  more,  who  was  then  in  command  in 
South  Carolina,  said  to  me  afterwards,  that  he  was 
greatly  surprised  at  many  things  in  my  Proclamation, 
and  did  not  believe  they  were  sanctioned  by  the  Presi- 
dent. He  wrote  the  War  Depart meiit  to  know  the  truth 
of  the  matter,  but  never  got  any  reply,  till  a  telegram 
came  ordering  him  "not  to  interfere  with  Governor 
Perry's  measure  of  reconstruction." 

The  Provisional  Governorship  of  South  Carolina. 

No.  2. 

In  all  of  my  interviews  with  President  Johnson,  I  was 
much  pleased,  and  he  impressed  me  very  strongly  with 
his  patriotism,  firmness,  ability  and  magnanimity.  1 
was  particularly  struck  with  his  kindness  and  generosity 
towards  the  South.  This  I  did  not  expect  from  repre- 
sentations that  had  been  made  to  me.  He  is  a  finelook- 
ing  gentleman,  simple,  and  yet  dignified  in  his  manners. 


250  Provisional  Governorship. 

His  success  in  life  is  most  remarkable,  and  is  proof  con- 
clusive of  his  great  talents.  He  was  born,  as  Governor 
Swain  wrote  me,  in  1808.  His  parents  were  very  poor, 
and  he  had  no  education.  He  told  Judge  Ward  law, 
when  visited  by  the  Judge  in  18G5,  that  he  was  bound 
an  apprentice  to  the  tailor's  trade  when  he  was  ten 
years  old.  This  he  mentioned,  unaffectedly,  whilst  con- 
versing with  the  Judge  about  the  objection  to  binding- 
out  the  colored  children  in  South  Carolina  He  said  he 
did  nor  suppose  they  were  any  better  than  he  was  when 
a  boy,  and  he  himself  was  bound  an  apprentice  to  a 
tailor,  when  he  was  only  ten  yearn  old.  This  was  not 
said  boastingly,  or  with  any  shame  or  regret  at  his 
humble  origin,  but  to  illustrate  what  they  were  then 
conversing  about. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1825,  President  Johnson  came  to 
Laurens  Court  House,  South  Carolina,  as  a  journeyman 
tailor,  and  worked  there  at  his  trade  for  two  years. 
He  is  well  remembered,  and  with  great  respect  by  the 
older  citizens  of  that  village.  They  all  unite  in  saying 
that  he  was  very  steady  at  his  work,  moral,  and  well 
behaved.  Mine  host  of  the  Laurens  Hotel,  Mr.  Sim- 
mons, informed  me  that  they  boarded  at  the  same 
house,  and  slept  together  for  several  months.  He  could 
then  read,  and  always  had  a  book  before  him.  Whilst 
at  Laurens,  he  fell  in  love  with  a  young  lady  and  ad- 
dressed her,  as  he  told  Judge  Orr,  many  years  ago. 
whilst  they  were  in  Congress  together.  The  mother  was 
indignant  at  the  idea  of  her  daughter  marrying  a 
journeyman  tailor,  and  he  almost  a  stranger  to  the 
community.  This  mortified  the  future  President  of  the 
United  States  so  much  that  he  left  the  place  the  next 
day  and  returned  to  North  Carolina.  Whilst  editing 
the  Southern  Patriot,  many  years  since,  I  wrote  an 
article  in  reference  to  this  love  affair.  President  John- 
son was  then  United  States  Senator,  and  had  been  Gov- 
ernor of    Tennessee.      I   stated    how    unfortunate    the 


Provisional  Governorship.  251 

mother's  judgment  was,  and  very  often  young  ladies 
had  a  better  perception  of  character  than  their 
mothers. 

It  is  said  his  wife  taught  him  to  write  and  keep  ac- 
counts after  their  marriage.  I  have  heard  that  whilst 
President  Johnson  and  the  Hon.  Mr.  Henry,  "the  Eagle 
Orator  of  Tennessee,"  were  canvassing  the  State  for 
Governor,  Mr.  Henry  paid  a  brilliant  compliment  to  the 
ladies  who  were  present  at  a  public  meeting.  In  his 
reply,  Johnson  stated  that  he  concurred  in  every  word, 
so  eloquently  uttered  by  his  opponent,  in  reference  to 
the  ladies.  There  was  no  one  on  this  green  globe  who 
had  more  cause  to  admire  and  love  the  other  sex  than 
himself.  That  whilst  a  poor  orphan  and  friendless  boy, 
he  had  been  taken  by  one  of  the  other  sex  and  taught  to 
read  and  write,  and  she  was  his  wife.  This  happy  reply 
was  electrical  on  the  audience. 

After  my  first  visit  to  President  Johnson  was  over,  I 
went  with  my  friends  to  pay  our  respects  to  the  Hon. 
Hugh  McCullough.  We  were  all  very  much  pleased  with 
his  cordial,  frank  manners,  and  fine,  manly  and  noble 
appearance.  He  was  a  stout,  tall  gentleman,  with  a 
large  head,  good  face  and  honest  expression  of  counten- 
ance. He  was  a  gentleman  of  great  ability  and  practi- 
cal mind.  He  was  a  wise  man,  and  one  whose  judgment 
and  honor  may  be  implicitly  relied  upon  by  his  friends  and 
country.  He  said  to  me  that  he  had  a  list  of  appoint- 
ments for  me  to  make  in  his  Department  for  South  Caro- 
lina. He  informed  me  that  it  had  been  decided  by  the 
heads  of  Departments,  to  make  no  appointment  in  South 
Carolina,  except  on  the  nomination  of  the  Provisional 
Governor.  This  was  for  the  purpose  of  giving  him  po- 
sition and  influence  in  the  State.  He  gave  me  a  bundle 
of  applications  for  appointments,  and  I  was  greatly 
amused  in  reading  them,  to  find  that  they  all  professed 
to  have  been  during  the  war,  strong  Union  men,  and 
unwavering  in  their  loyalty  to  the  United  States!   I  had 


252  Provisional  Governorship. 

never  before  heard  of  them  as  Union  men.  In  almost 
every  instance  I  rejected  the  application,  and  gave  the 
appointment  to  others  who  were  not  applying. 
I  restored  to  office  all  those  who  had  previously  rilled 
the  position,  when  I  knew  they  had  been  faithful  to  their 
trust  without  regard  to  politics.  I  told  the  Secretary 
that  these  gentlemen  had  given  countenance  to  the 
Rebellion,  as  it  was  termed,  and  could  not  take  the  test 
oath,  and  that  I  doubted  whether  any  man  or  woman 
in  South  Carolina  could  take  the  oath  without  commit- 
ting perjury.  They  had  all  countenanced  the  Rebellion 
or  given  comfort  to  the  soldiers.  He  replied  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  to  omit  a  portion  of  the  oath  in 
order  to  till  the  appointments.  This  he  said  would  be 
done,  and  I  have  no  doubt  would  have  been  done  if  left 
to  him.  But  the  oath  was  afterwards  rigidly  required, 
and  almost  all  of  my  appointments  to  Federal  offices 
were  failures  on  that  account. 

We  went  next  to  call  on  the  Attorney  General,  the 
Hon.  James  Speed,  of  Kentucky.  He  was  sitting  at  his 
table  writing  with  his  coat  off.  He  received  us  kindly, 
and  after  the  usual  compliments  had  passed,  he  alluded 
to  a  speech  of  mine  at  Greenville  before  a  public  meeting 
assembled  for  the  purpose  of  asking  a  restoration  of 
civil  government  in  South  Carolina.  This  speech  had 
been  published  in  the  New  York  Tribune.  He  said  he 
regretted  to  see  such  a  speech  made  by  rne,  the  Provis- 
ional Governor  of  the  State,  as  it  showed  that  South 
Carolina  was  not  disposed  to  be  loyal  again!  I  replied 
that  he  had  certainly  not  read  the  speech  attentively, 
or  he  could  not  have  come  to  any  such  conclusion.  He 
then  frankly  admitted  that  he  had  not.  He  had  read 
the  comments  of  the  editor,  with  the  heading,  which 
presented  the  meaning  and  spirit  of  the  text.  I  request- 
ed him  to  do  me  the  justice  to  read  the  speech  atten- 
tively, which  he  promised  to  do.  He  said  I  spoke  of  the 
atrocities  of  the    Federal    soldiers.      This    I  admitted 


Provisional  Governorship.  25:i 

was  true  and  justified  the  correctness  of  the  charge.  He 
was  a  great  admirer  of  President  Lincoln,  and  I  had 
made  an  invidious  comparison  between  him  and  Presi- 
dent Johnson.  I  had  said  the  South  lost  nothing  by 
his  death,  and  would  receive  greater  kindness  from 
Johnson,  who  was  a  Southern  man,  a  slave  holder  and 
all  his  life  an  opponent  of  the  abolitionists!  These  were 
truths  which  I  admitted  and  justified.  He  then  told  me 
he  had  always  been  an  ultra  abolitionist,  which  did  not 
elevate  him  in  my  estimation  as  a  Kentuckian.  The 
Attorney  General  was  a  young  man,  and  not  at  all 
distinguished  as  a.  lawyer.  It  is  said  that  his  appoint- 
ment was* owing  to  an  uncle  of  his  having  done  a  kind- 
ness to  President  Lincoln  in  early  life  out  of  gratitude 
to  this  uncle;  and  on  request  of  his  uncle,  the  appoint- 
ment was  made.  There  was  nothing  in  his  appearance 
that  would  indicate  that  he  was  a  man  of  more  than 
ordinary  capacity,  nor  was  there  anything  in  his  con- 
versation which  was  calculated  to  produce  a  different 
conclusion. 

When  we  called  on  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  I  men- 
tioned what  had  passed  between  the  Attorney  General 
and  myself.  Mr.  Seward  remarked  that  he  had  read  the 
speech  carefully,  and  he  thought,  considering  the  stand- 
point from  which  it  was  delivered,  that  it  was  a  very 
good. speech  and  unobjectionable.  He  said  I  spoke  to 
South  Carolina,,  and  for  South  Carolinians,  and  not  to 
the  Northern  people.  The  sentiments  were  calculated 
to  reconcile  the  South  to  the  loss  of  President  Lincoln 
and  the  election  of  Johnson  to  the  Presidency.  He  being 
a  Southern  man  and  a  slaveholder  was  more  likely  to 
have  kindness  and  sympathy  for  the  South.  He  asked 
me  if  I  had  ever  been  Governor  before.  I  told  him  I  had 
not.  He  said  when  he  was  Governor  of  New  York  he 
made  speeches  which  were  very  severely  criticised  in 
Charleston.  But  he  always  remarked  :  "  What  the  devil 
have  the    people    of    South   Carolina    to   do   with   my 


254  Provisional  Governorship. 

speeches — I  made  them  to  please  the  people  of  New  York 
arid  not  the  people  of  South  Carolina."  He  was  very 
pleasant  and  told  several  amusing  stories,  which  I  have 
already  mentioned  in  my  reminiscences  of  him.  Mr. 
Seward  at  the  time  of  my  first  interview  with  him,  was 
looking  very  badly.  The  wounds  inflicted  by  the 
attempted  assassin  were  still  visible  on  his  face.  He 
had  just  lost  his  wife.  1  spoke  of  his  transacting  some 
business  for  me  the  next  day.  He  said  no,  I  must  go  to 
church  to-morrow,  for  I  have  not  been  to  church  since 
the  death  of  my  wife.  I  asked  him  if  he  went  to  church 
on  Saturday.  He  replied  he  thought  the  next  day  was 
Sunday.  Beyond  all  question  Mr.  Seward  was  a  man  of 
great  ability  and  a  profound  statesman.  Governor 
Hammond  once  wrote  me,  whilst  a  member  of  the  United 
States  Senate,  that  Seward  was  the  only  statesman 
north  of  the  Potomac.  Seward  was  tall  and  slender, 
with  a  thin  face  and  very  large  nose.  Judge  Earle  used 
to  say  he  never  saw  a  great  man  with  a  small  nose.  I 
saw  Mr.  Seward  seven  or  eight  months  after  this,  when 
he  was  looking  remarkably  well.  He  was  very  cordial 
arid  familiar  in  his  manners,  and  witty  and  humorous 
in  his  conversation.  He  expressed  himself  very  much 
gratified  at  my  account  of  the  State  of  feeling  in  South 
Carolina.  Whilst  Provisional  Governor,  I  had  consid- 
erable correspondence  with  Mr.  Seward,  and  always 
found  him  courteous  and  civil,  except  on  one  occasion. 
I  requested  that  the  colored  troops  should  be  removed 
from  South  Carolina.  He  replied  that  he  supposed  the 
people  were  sensitive  in  seeing  their  former  slaves  per- 
forming the  duties  of  soldiers,  but  the  regulations  of 
the  United  States  army  recognized  no  distinction  of 
color.  I  replied  that  we  did  not  object  to  the  colored 
troops  on  account  of  their  color,  but  on  account  of  their 
atrocious  conduct,  making  everything  insecure  and 
unsafe  where  they  were  stationed.  I  then  mentioned 
the  horrible  deeds  they  had  done,  both  in  the  upper  and 
lower  country. 


Provisional  Governorship.  255 

I  had  previously  called  on  Governor  Pennison,  Post- 
master General,  and  was  very  much  pleased  with  him  a* 
a  gentleman,  and  was  under  great  obligations  to  him 
for  his  kindness  and  attention.  1  have  already  men- 
tioned his  civility  in  seeing  the  President  for  me.  He 
said,  as  soon  as  I  told  him  that  I  addressed  a  not*  to 
the  President  and  received  no  reply,  "  I  have  access  to 
the  President  at  all  hours,  as  one  of  his  cabinet,  and 
will  immediately  get  into  my  carriage  and  drive  to  the 
White  House,  and  let  him  know  that  you  are  here.  In 
the  appointment  of  postmasters  throughout  the  State 
I  had  great  difficulty.  Almost  all  of  my  nominations 
were  returned  by  the  Postmaster  General  on  the  ground 
that  they  refused  to  take  the  whole  of  the  test  oath.  1 
was  requested  to  make  other  nominations,  and  replied 
that  there  was  no  use  in  doing  so,  as  none  could  consci- 
entiously swear  that  they  had  neither  aided  or  counte- 
nanced the  rebellion,  or  given  comfort  or  sympathy  to 
the  Confederate  soldiers.  All  had  been  in  the  army,  or 
had  sons  or  dear  relatives  and  friends  in  Confederate 
service,  whom  they  had  contributed  to  support  or 
entertain. 

When  I  called  on  Mr.  Stanton,  with  my  friends  from 
South  Carolina,  I  thought  he  received  us  coldly,  and 
seemed  very  indifferent  to  all  I  had  to  say  about  South 
Carolina.  1  saw  Mr.  Stanton  several  times  after- 
wards, whilst  he  continued  in  the  War  office, 
and  he  appeared  to  be  more  pleasant  and  agreeable. 
He  was  certainly  a  man  of  ffreat  ability,  as  was 
shown  by  his  administration  of  the  War  office.  In  ap- 
pearance he  was  stout  and  good  looking,  with  a  line 
head  phrenologically.  At  the  commencement  of  our 
struggle,  his  sympathies,  it  is  said,  were  in  favor  of  the 
South.  Colonel  Phillips,  of  Mobile,  was  at  that  time  his 
law  partner,  in  the  city  of  Washington.  The  Colonel 
told  me  that  Stanton  was  then  more  of  a  Southern 
man  in  his  feelings,  than  he  was  himself.    What  a  change 


256  Provisional  Governorship. 

came  over  him  afterwards,  for  he  became  a  bitter 
enemy  of  the  South.  Like  all  renegades  he  was  more 
ultra  in  his  persecutions  than  any  other  member  of  the 
President's  cabinet.  It  was  by  his  orders  that  Jefferson 
Davis  was  placed  in  irons.  Mrs.  Senator  Clay  of  Alaba- 
ma, told  me  that  whilst  making  efforts  to  have  her  hus- 
band released  from  prison,  she  went  to  Stanton  and 
commenced  a  statement,  showing  the  innocence  of  Sena- 
tor Clay,  as  to  the  charges  preferred  against  him. 
Stanton  stopped  her  rudely  and  said:  ""I  am  not  your 
husband's  Judge,  madam!"  She  replied  quickly  and 
said  :    •'  And  I  hope,  sir,  you  are  not  his  persecutor." 

The  speech  of  mine,  on  the  third  of  July,  1865,  which 
the  Attorney  General  considered  so  offensive  to  the 
Federal  authorities,  became  the  subject  of  a  cabinet 
meeting,  as  I  was  informed.  When  I  visited  the  Presi- 
dent afterwards,  he  said  it  would  be  well  for  me  to  write 
an  article  explaining  the  object  of  the  public  meeting, 
which  I  addressed  on  that  occasion,  and  publish  it  with 
resolutions  adopted  by  the  meeting.  He  knew,  he  said, 
it  was  a  union  meeting,  asking  the  restoration  of  civil 
Government  in  South  Carolina.  But  a  different  impres- 
sion had  gone  abroad.  This  I  did  the  next  day.  That 
night  whilst  sitting  in  my  room  at  Willard's  Hotel,  two 
gentlemen  called  with  a  note  from  the  President,  re- 
questing me  to  explain  to  them  some  expressions  in  the 
speech!  They  were  connected  with  the  Washington 
Chronicle  newspaper.  I  talked  over  the  matter  with 
them,  and  they  left  apparently  satisfied.  I  have  fre- 
quently wondered  at  the  public  excitement  produced 
throughout  the  Northern  States  by  that  little  speech. 
It  was  everywhere  published  in  the  newspapers  with 
severe  comments.  It  was  the  first  expression  of  public 
sentiment  they  had  seen  from  South  Carolina,  since  the 
cessation  of  hostilities.  In  South  Carolina  this  speech 
was  well  received  and  complimented,  when  in  fact  I  ap- 
prehended it  would  displease  many.     I  did  not  spare  the 


Provisional  Governorship.  257 

madness  and  folly  of  secession  and  disunion  for  the  pur- 
pose of  protecting*  slavery,  when  it  had  resulted  in  the 
abolition  of  slavery  as  I  predicted  it  would.  But  I 
boldly  proclaimed,  that  after  secession  it  became  the 
duty  of  everyone  to  go  with  his  State.  There  was  one 
expression  in  the  speech  which  seemed  to  set  at  defiance 
the  authority  of  the  United  States  to  prosecute  Confede- 
rate officers  and  soldiers  for  treason,  after  having-  ex- 
changed prisoners  of  war  with  them,  for  three  or  four 
years.  There  was  a  very  malignant  feeling  at  the 
North  when  the  war  closed,  towards  the  South,  and  a 
general  wish  amongst  those  who  had  kept  out  of  the 
army  to  see  "the  rebels''  prosecuted,  tried  and  pun- 
ished for  treason!  But  they  were  soon  informed  that 
the  opinion  of  the  world  would  stamp  such  a  coarse 
with  national  infamy.  They  then  meanly  attempted  to 
gratify  their  revenge  by  establishing  over  us  the  present 
•'carpet-bag,  scalawag  negro  government."  And  they 
have  succeeded  to  their  hearts'  content.  It  would  have 
been  a  thousand  times  better  for  us  to  have  let  their 
prosecutions  for  treason  have  gone  on  and  taken  the 
consequences. 

The  Provisional  Governorship  of  South  Carolina. 

No.  3. 

Whilst  in  Washington  and  before  I  had  seen  the 
President,  I  had  a  great  many  applications  for  office. 
Some  of  the  applicants  designated  the  position  which 
they  sought,  and  others,  more  modest,  were  willing  to 
receive  any  office  within  my  gift,  that  would  pay  well. 
There  were  several  who  applied  for  their  friends  or  rela- 
tives. Amongst  the  latter  were  two  ladies  who  paid  me 
formal  calls.  One,  a  young  lady  from  Ohio,  wished  to 
have  her  father  appointed  District  Judge.  She  said  her 
father  was  a  native  of  South  Carolina,  and  had  left  the 
State  thirty  years  ago  on  account  of  his  opposition  to 


258  Provisional  Governorship. 

slavery.  This  she  thought  would  be  a  strong  recom- 
mendation to  a  Governor  holding  office  under  the 
United  States  Government.  He  had  also  been  a  Union 
man  in  South  Carolina,  and  associated  with  me  in  our 
Union  Conventions.  I  told  her  that  I  could  not  think 
of  appointing  a  Judge  who  resided  out  of  the  State,  if  I 
could  get  a  competent  lawyer  in  South  Carolina  to  ac- 
cept the  office,  and  I  should  not  make  the  appointment 
till  my  return  home.  The  other  was  a  New  England 
lady,  who  wished  a  friend  of  her's  appointed  postmaster 
in  Charleston.  She  was  very  urgent,  and  spoke  in  high 
terms  of  his  qualifications,  and  paid  me  a  long  visit.  I 
informed  her  that  I  should  certainly  tender  this  ap- 
pointment to  the  Hon.  Alfred  Huger,  who  had  for  many 
years  filled  this  office  with  great  fidelity  and  satisfac- 
tion to  the  Government.  She  thought  it  was  very 
wrong  to  appoint  "rebels"  to  office  in  South  Carolina. 
I  told  her  that  I  was  a  "rebel"  myself  after  the  State 
seceded  from  /the  Union,  and  after  secession  all  joined 
the  rebels.  This  surprised  her  very  much,  and  no  doubt 
she  thought  my  appointment  a  very  unwise  one  on  the 
part  of  President  Johnson.  There  was  a  Yankee  Gene- 
ral in  the  Federal  army,  who  had  been  stationed  in 
Charleston,  and  who  wish  to  be  restored  to  a  command 
in  that  city.  I  had  heard  a  favorable  report  of  him  and 
told  him  I  would  mention  the  subject  to  the  President. 
This  I  did,  and  the  President  said,  if  the  people  desired 
the  change,  he  supposed  there  would  be  no  dfficulty  in 
having  it  made.  I  understood  afterwards  that  the  Sec- 
retary of  War  interposed  objections  and  prevented  the 
change  being  made.  This  high  functionary  was  bitterly 
opposed  to  South  Carolina  and  not  at  all  disposed  to 
gratify  our  wishes  in  anything. 

I  received,  whilst  in  Washington,  a  letter  from  Gene- 
ral Kershaw,  who  was  then  a  prisoner  in  P^ort  Lafay- 
ette, requesting  me  to  use  my  influence  with  the  President 
to  have  him  and  his  fellow  prisoners  released.   The  same 


Provisional  Governorship.  259 

tiio-lit  I  received  a  similar  letter  from  Colonel  Simonton, 
who  was  confined  in  Fort  Delaware  with  ten  or  twelve 
other  Confederate  officers.  I  went  immediately  to  the 
President  and  laid  before  him  these  letters.  He  drew 
forth  an  order  which  he  had  just  prepared,  for  the  re- 
lease of  all  the  Confederate  officers  who  would  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  I  telegraphed 
this  gratifying  intelligence  to  these  gentlemen,  and 
afterwards  expressed  to  them  my  regret  that  I 
could  not  properly  claim  the  honor  of  having 
procured  their  release  from  prison.  I  might  have 
done  so,  and  they  would  nev^r  have  been  any 
wiser.  When  they  received  my  telegram,  the  Georgia 
officers  confined  with  them,  were  under  the  im- 
pression that  the  order  of  release  only  extended  to 
the  South  Carolina  prisoners!  They  regretted  that 
their  Governor  had  not  taken  the  same  interest  in  their 
release  that  1  had  in  that  of  the  South  Carolina  prison- 
ers. When  I  afterwards  met  General  Kershaw  and  Colo- 
nel Simon  ton,  they  expressed  themselves  under  great 
obligations  to  me  for  my  prompt  attention  to  their 
letters  and  telegraphing  to  them  the  most  gratifying 
intelligence  that  they  were  to  be  released,  and  would 
have  the  happiness  of  returning  once  more  to  their 
homes  and  families.  Not  long  after  this  General  Ker- 
shaw was  a  member  of  the  State  Senate,  and  he  proved 
his  gratitude  for  the  interest  I  had  taken  in  his  release 
by  nominating  me  for  the  United  Slates  Senate. 

On  my  return  home,  I  stopped  at  Colonel  J.  B.  Camp- 
bell's, in  Columbia,  to  meet  General  Gilmore,  by  ap- 
pointment, who  was  then  in  command  of  the  military  in 
South  Carolina.  He  had  expressed  a  wish  to  see  me 
and  arrange  as  to  the  civil  and  millitary  jurisdiction  of 
the  State.  Colonel  Campbell  had  kindly  proposed  our 
meeting  at  his  house  on  my  return  from  Washington. 
But  a  telegraphic  dispatch  was  received  from  the  Gene- 
ral stating  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  meet  me  at 
the  appointed  time. 


260  Provisional  Governorship. 

Whilst  at  Colonel  Campbell's  waiting  for  the  arrival 
of  General  Gilmore,  a  great  many  gentlemen  of  Colum- 
bia called  to  see  me  and  hear  the  news  from  Washing- 
ton. Amongst  them  were  General  Hampton,  General 
Preston,  Alfred  Huger,  Dr.  LaBorde  and  Professor 
LeConte.  I  gave  them  an  account  of  all  my  interviews 
with  President  Johnson,  and  assured  them  that  his 
policy  towards  the  Southern  States  would  be  kind,  con- 
ciliatory and  magnanimous.  Dr.  LaBorde  afterwards 
told  me,  when  the  President  had  acted  as  I  said  he  would, 
that  they  had  listened  to  me  attentively,  and  knew 
that  I  thought  as  I  had  spoken,  but  they  did  not  be- 
lieve a  word  of  it.  They  had  been  taught  to  believe 
that  Andrew  Johnson  was  a  cold,  vindictive  and  re- 
vengeful tyrant,  who  would  delight  in  oppressing  and 
hanging  secessionists,  and  confiscating  their  estates. 
He  told  me  that  he  had  heard  a  distinguished  gentle- 
man remark  on  the  accession 'of  Johnson  to  the  Presi- 
dency, that  he  was  as  blood-thirsty  as  Robespiere  and 
as  vindictive  as  Marat!  This  opinion  prevailed  pretty 
generally  in  South  Corolina.  Everywhere  the  people 
were  expressing  their  deep  regret  at  the  loss  of  Lincoln  ! 
In  Charleston  and  other  places,  the  citizens  held  public 
meetings  and  bemoaned  the  death  of  President  Lincoln 
as  a,  great  public  calamity  to  the  South.  I  thought  it 
was  in  bad  taste,  and  hypocritical  to  lament  the  death  of 
one  who  had  for  four  dreadful  years  waged  against 
them  a,  cruel,  bloody  war!  I  did  not  hesitate  to  say 
that  Johnson  was,  in  all  respects,  a  better,  wiser  and 
greater  man  than  Lincoln.  I  said  we  ought  to  look 
upon  his  death  as  the  act  of  God  !  We  had  more  to  ex- 
pect from  Johnson,  as  a  Southern  man,  a  slaveholder 
and  a  Democrat.  He  was  a  man  of  firmness  and  self-will, 
and  would  not  be  influenced  by  his  cabinet  as  Lincoln 
had  been.  I  knew  that  his  whole  Hfe  had  been  spent  in 
opposition  to  the  Radical-abolition-whig  party.  The 
greatest  speech  ever  made  in  the  United   States  Senate 


Provisional  Governorship.  261 

on  the  issues  between  the  North  and  South,  was  made 
by  Andrew  Johnson,  just  before  the  civil  war  com- 
menced. I  thought  it  was  impossible  for  him  to.  aban- 
don his  life-long  political  principles  at  once,  and  become 
the  enemy  and  scourge  of  his  native  land,  and  the  home 
of  himself,  kindred,  friends  arid  early  associates.  There 
is  an  instinct  in  the  human  heart  which  makes  it  cling 
to  our  native  soil  and  early  associates.  I  never  did  be- 
lieve in  the  sincerity  of  a  Yankee  who  professed  to  hate 
the  place  of  his  birth,  and  scorn  his  people  and  kindred, 
when  it  was  his  interest  to  do  so  in  South  Carolina.  I 
concur  and  applaud  an  expression  of  President  John- 
son, just  before  the  revolution  or  civil  war  commenced. 
General  B.  F.  Butlerwas  addressing  acrowd  in  Washing- 
ton,  and  some  one  asked  Johnson  what  he  thought  of  the 
General's  speech?  He  replied  with  a  fiendish  scowl : 
"Damn  a  Yankee  who  professes  to  be  more  ot  a  South- 
ern man  than  I  am  myself!" 

When  I  returned  home,  I  had  to  address  my  fellow 
citizens  and  tell  them  all  I  had  seen  and  heard  and  ex- 
pected in  the  future.  My  Proclamation  had  been  pub- 
lished and  gave  great  satisfaction.  The  politicians  and 
newspaper  editors  hailed  with  joy  my  appointment  as 
Provisional  Governor.  One  would  have  supposed, 
from  these  public  expressions,  and  the  private  letters  I 
received,  that  I  had  always  been  a  most  popular  man 
in  South  Carolina.  It  was  said  that  of  all  the  public 
men  in  the  State,  none  were  more  competent  than  my- 
self to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  State.  T  thought  of 
what  the  historian  has  recorded  of  Charles  the  Second 
of  Great  Britain.  On  his  restoration  to  the  throne,  he 
was  greeted  with  such  manifestations  of  love  and  affec- 
tion by  the  people,  that  he  declared  it  seemed  to  him  as 
if  it  was  his  own  fault  that  he  had  not  returned  many 
years  before.  I  was  ready  to  wonder  why  I  had  not 
been  elected  Governor  twenty  years  sooner.  But  T  re- 
membered that  1  had  been,  for  years,  the  most  unpopu- 


2(>2  Provisional  Governorship. 

lar  man  politically,  in  South  Carolina,  and  it  was  al- 
most fatal  to  an  aspirant  for  office  to  have  my  support ! 
Now,  the  public  acted  as  if  the  truth  had  just  burst  on 
their  minds,  that  my  course  had  always  been  open, 
frank,  consistent  and  wisely  patriotic.  These  expres- 
sions of  confidence  and  appreciation  of  my  character 
were  truly  gratifying  to  me,  knowing!  deserved  them, 
so  conscious  was  1  that  in  my  whole  course  through 
life,  love  of  the  best  interests  of  South  Carolina  had 
actuated  nil  my  conduct. 

In  passing  through  Charlotte,  North  Carolina,  after 
my  appointment  as  Provisional  Governor,  a  crowd  of 
gentlemen  called  to  pay  their  respects  to  me.  I  re- 
marked to  my  friend,  Colonel  Elford,  after  they  had  all 
gone,  how  much  importance  a  public  office  gave  to  a 
man  in  this  Republican  Government.  I  stated  that  I 
had  passed  through  Charlotte  many  times  before,  when 
I  was  just  as  good  and  worthy  a  man  as  I  was  then, 
and  no  one  had  ever  called  to  see  me.  It  is  a  sad  com- 
mentary on  human  nature  that  a  pure,  patriotic  and 
and  virtuous  citizen,  will  pass  unnoticed,  whilst  a  high 
corrupt  official  will  have  most  obsequious  honors  paid 
him.  No  matter  how  infamous  a  man's  character  may 
be,  if  he  wears  the  robes  of  office,  he  will  always  find 
sycophants  enough  to  natter  and  follow  him.  There  is 
something  in  position,  power,  wealth  and  authority 
which  makes  poor  human  nature  respectful  and  deferen- 
tial. Without  these  attributes,  the  same  person  would 
perhaps  be  treated  with  contempt.  I  once  heard  Judge 
Evans  say  he  was  passing  through  Spartanburg  and 
met  a  countryman,  of  whom  he  asked  the  way.  After- 
some  conversation  the  man  said  to  him:  k' I  suppose 
you  are  a  lawyer?''  The  Judge  replied  :  "1  have  been  a 
lawyer,  but  1  am  now  a  Judge."  Immediately  the 
countryman  pulled  off  his  hat  and  bowing  most  obse- 
quiously, said  :  "  I  beg  pardon,  Judge." 


Provisional  Governorship.  263 

The  Provisional  Governorship  of  South  Carolina. 

No.  4. 

The  condition  of  the  country,  on  my  return  from 
Washington,  waa  truly  distressing.  The  greater  part 
of  the  personal  property  of  the  State  had  been  destroyed 
and  stolen,  or  lost  in  the  abolition  of  slavery.  The 
banks  were  all  broken,  and  there  was  no  money  in  the 
country.  Our  provision  crop  had  been  consumed  bv 
the  Confederate  tax  in  kind  and  the  ravage**  of  the 
Federal  troops..  We  were  all  pretty  much  at  the  point 
of  starvation.  When  I  thought  of  going  to  Washing- 
ton, the  important  question  was  how  I  was  to  get  funds 
to  pay  my  expenses.  At  length  I  understood  that  my 
friend,  Colonel  McCullough,  had  four  or  five  hundred 
dollars  in  gold,  which  had  escaped  the  Yankee  plunder, 
and  which  he  had  laid  up  before  the  war.  I  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  him  that  he  must  lend  me  this  money,  and  if  he 
did  not,  I  would  not  pardon  Him  as  Provisional  Gov- 
ernor. He  knew  his treasonjwae  of  long-continuance,  and 
prominent  in  the  army  and  Legislature.  The  Colonel 
sent  me  his  gold  most  cheerfully.  Mr. Charles  Lowndes, 
President  of  the  Charleston  Bank,  which  had  been 
robbed  of  thirty  thousand  dollars  ir.  specie  by  the 
Yankee  army,  in  passing  through  Greenville,  came  tome 
after  I  had  got  Colonel  McCullough's  gold,  and  said 
there  was  still  money  in  his  bank,  which  I  could  get, 
under  the  circumstances,  although  the  bank  was  dis- 
counting no  paper  at  that  time. 

This  utter  destitution  of  the  country  seemed  to  make 
every  one  ravenous  for  public  office.  The  people  of 
South  Carolina  were  impressed  with  the  idea  that  the 
Provisional  Governor,  if  not  the  source  of  all  honor,  as 
Blackstone  says  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  is,  had  the 
bestowal  of  all  offices.  The  applications  were  indeed 
numerous,  some  for  particular  offices,  but  far  the 
greater  number  were  general,  and  the  applicants  were 
willing  to  receive  any  office  which  would   assist  them  in 


264  Provisional  Governorship. 

their  support.  But  the  applications  for  pardon  were 
more  numerous  than  even  those  for  office.  The  theory 
of  the  English  law  is  that  a  pardon  makes  the  recipient 
a  new  man,  and  wipes  out  all  his  political  sins  and 
errors.  It  is  something-  like  the  spiritual  consequences 
of  belief  and  repentance.  All  were  anxious  to  be  made 
"ntnv  men  "  again.  These  applications  were  very  trou- 
blesome. I  had  to  read  them  and  see  that  they  were  in 
proper  form,  approve  or  reject  them,  and  mail  them  to 
the  President.  I  had  also  to  give  the  petitioner  a  cer- 
tificate that  his  application  had  been  received  and  for- 
warded. 

I  determined  to  refuse  no  applicant  for  pardon,  where 
the  applicant  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  expressed 
himself  loyal  to  the  United  States.  I  did  not  believe 
any  one  was  to  blame  in  taking  sides  with  his  State, 
after  she  had  seceded  from  the  Union.  He  could  not 
remain  neutral.  The  Federal  Government  had  with- 
drawn all  protection.  If  he  went  against  the  State  he 
was  guilty  of  treason.  The  United  States  was  powerless 
to  protect  him.  I  never  believed  in  the  right  of  Seces- 
sion ;  but  I  did  believe  in  the  right  of  revolution,  and  I 
always  regarded  the  movement  of  the  Southern  States 
in  that  light.  I  will  say  further,  that  although  I  regarded 
the  movement  as  folly  and  madness  without  cause,  yet 
the  Southern  States  had  a  right  to  govern  themselves 
in  their  own  way.  Whenever  eight  millions  of  people 
see  proper  to  separate  themselves  from  their  govern- 
ment and  form  an  independent  Republic  or  Nation, 
they  ought  to  be  allowed  to  do  so. 

This  is  the  principle  on  which  our  forefathers  acted  in 
separating  from  the  mother  country.  This  principle  is 
proclaimed  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  has 
been  sanctioned  and  assented  to  ever  since  by  the 
American  people. 

I  have  said  there  was  no  just  cause  for  our  secession. 
We  did  not  complain  that  there  had  been  any  legisla- 


Provisional  Governorship.  265 

tion  on  the  part  of  Congress  for  the  last  ten  years 
against  the  South  or  our  peculiar  institution.  It  is  true 
the  Northern  State  governments  had  been  very  offen- 
sive in  their  legislation.  They  had  nullified  the  acts  of 
Congress,  and  refused  to  carry  out  the  provisions  of  the 
fugitive  slave  law.  But  the  disobedience  of  these  States 
to  the  General  Government  was  no  justification  on  our 
part  for  rebelling  against  that  General  Government.  At 
the  time,  too,  of  our  secession,  we  had  a  majority  of 
twenty-four  members  in  the  United  Suites  House  of 
Representatives,  and  in  the  Senate  we  had  a  majority  of 
six.  There  was  also  a  majority  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  in  favor  of  the  South.  The  election 
of  Lincoln,  President,  by  a  sectional  vote,  though  he 
did  not  receive  anything  like  a  majority  of  the  popular 
votes,  was  owing  entirely  to  the  divisions  in  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  Had  the  Democratic  party  united  on  one 
candidate,  they  could  very  easily  have  been  triumphant 
in  the  Presidential  election.  But  really  Lincoln  was 
powerless  when  elected  with  majorities  in  both  Houses 
of  Congress  against  him,  and  also  a  majority  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  He  could  not  even  form  an  objection^ 
able  Cabinet. 

If  there  had  been  just  cause  for  our  rebellion,  such  as 
there  was  in  1776,  and  enumerated  in  our  Declaration 
of  Independence,  the  Northern  people  would  have  been 
divided  as  the  British  Parliament  and  English  people 
were  in  the  American  Revolution.  The  Southern  people 
likewise  would  have  been  more  united,  determined  and 
persevering  in  their  contest  and  conflict  of  arms.  The 
result  might  and  would  have  been  different.  For  his" 
tory  proves  how  impossible  it  is  to  conquer  and  keep  in 
subjection  eight  or  ten  millions  of  people,  brave,  intelli- 
gent, and  determined  to  maintain  their  independence 
and  freedom  at  all  hazards.  Out  of  South  Carolina  the 
people  were  not  united  in  any  one  single  State  for  the 
secession  movement.     A  large  majority  of  those   who 


266  Provisional  Governorship. 

went  for  secession  had  been  taught  to  believe  that  the 
North  would  not  attempt  to  coerce  the  South  by  a  civil 
war!  As  soon  as  the  great  masses  of  Southern  people 
found  themselves  involved  in  a  bloody  war  likely  to  be 
waged  for  years,  thev  began  to  reflect  and  see  that  the\ 
had  been  deceived  and  taken  a  fatally  false  step.  Thit 
produced  lukewarmness  on  the  part  of  our  soldiers, 
which  resulted  in  desertion  and  efforts  to  keep  out  of 
the  Confederate  army.  When  our  armies  surrendered, 
two-thirds  of  the  Confederate  soldiers  were  at  home!  4 
Most  of  them  had  determined  to  remain  there  if  they 
could.  In  truth  and  in  fact,  it  was  not  their  war,  and  - 
their  hearts  were  never  in  it,  cordially,  disinterestedly 
and  determinedly.  It  had  been  brought  on  by  the  poli- 
ticians, newspaper  editors,  adventurers  and  clergy. 
Passion,  and  not  wisdom,  incited  the  movement  and 
made  it  contagious.  If  we  had  waited  till  Congress,  by 
some  flagrant,  unconstitutional  invasion  of  our  rights, 
had  divided  the  Northern  people  and  united  the  South- 
ern people  more  heartily  and  determinedly,  we  would 
have  been  successful. 

I  have  already  stated  that  on  my  return  from  Wash- 
ington, applications  for  office  and  pardon  were  num- 
erous. One  mail  brought  me  no  less  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  letters!  They  were  most  for  offices  and  par- 
dons. Some  were  for  redress  of  grievances.  The  people 
seemed  to  think  that  the  Provisional  Governor  was 
invested  with  all  power,  not  only  to  bestow  office  and 
grant  pardons,  but  to  redress  grievances,  and  protect 
the  morals  of  the  country.  An  old  lady  in  Laurens 
wrote  me  a  most  indignant  letter,  complaining  of  the 
Yankee  officers  stationed  there.  She  stated  that  their 
conduct  was  most  disgraceful  and  outrageous!  They 
had  been  seen  attending  negro  balls,  sitting  in  the  laps 
of  the  negro  women  and  publicly  hugging  and  kissing 
them!  She  called  upon  me  as  the  Executive  officer  of 
the  State,  and  the  conservator  of  public  morals,  to  put 


Provisional  Governorship.  267 

a  stop  to  such  indecent  proceeding**!    Thinking;  I  might 

doubt  the  truth  of  her  statement  (whilst  the  shadow  of 
a  doubt  never  crossed  my  mind  in  regard  to  them),  she 
referred  me  to  several  gentlemen  of  the  highest  respect- 
ability for  the  truth  of  what  she  stated. 

In  ordinary  times,  it  is  a  very  bad  indication  to  see 
so  many  persons  seeking  public  office.  It  shows  that 
the  applicants  are  desirous  of  living  without  laboring 
for  a  support.  It  is  unfortunate.  As  a  general  rule, 
the  man  who  seeks  office  is  destined  to  poverty  and  humil- 
iation. It  would  be  far  better  for  him  to  plough  the 
earth  or  devote  himself  to  some  mechanical  pursuit. 
His  life  would  be  far  happier  and  more  independent. 

The  impecuniosity  of  the  times  then  existing  was 
some  excuse  for  this  ambition  for  office. 

Having  restored  all  the  civil  officers  by  my  Proclama- 
tion, this  great  source  of  patron  age  and  annoyance  was 
cut  off,  and  relieved  me  very  much.  But  all  the  post- 
masters, mail  agents,  revenue  officers,  collectors  of  the 
customs,  and  Federal  officers,  had  to  be  nominated  by 
me.  In  Columbia,  on  my  return  home,  I  met  General 
Conner,  as  gallant  an  officer  as  the  Confederacy  pro- 
duced, and  one  who  had  suffered  as  much  and  made  as 
many  sacrifices  as  any  other.  He  was  a  lawyer  of  emi- 
nence at  the  Charleston  Bar,  and  I  tendered  him  the  ap- 
pointment of  District  Judge  or  District  Attorney.  He 
magnanimously  declined  both  of  them,  on  the  ground 
that  either  of  them  might  place  him  in  an  unpleasant 
situation  in  regard  to  his  friends  who  might  be  indicted 
for  treason,  or  might  have  proceedings  taken  out 
against  them  to  confiscate  their  estates.  I  then  offered 
choice  of  these  appointments  to  Samuel  Lord,  Esq.,  a 
young  member  of  the  Bar,  for  whose  learning,  talents 
and  honor  I  had  formed  a  very  high  opinion.  Whilst 
Colonel  Martin  and  myself  were  commissioners  under 
the  Confederate  Government,  we  had  two  cases  to  de- 
cide involving  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  dollars.     Mr.  Lord 


268  Provisional  Governorship. 

was  counsel  in  both  of  them.  He  candidly  told  me  that 
there  was  no  merit  in  the  first  oa.se  and  he  should  not 
argue  it.  When  the  second  ease  came  up  for  a  hearing, 
we  were  all  pressed  for  time,  and  he  generously  proposed 
to  submit  the  case  without  argument.  The  other  side 
objected,  and  proceeded  to  argue  the  case.  When  Mr. 
Lord  replied,  his  argument  was  so  clear  and  lucid;  so  able 
and  convincing,  that  the  opposite  party  whispered  to 
his  lawyer:  "I  wish  now  T  had  consented  to  submit  the 
case  without  argument."  Mr.  Lord  accepted  the  office 
of  District  Attorney,  but  declined  that  of  Judge. 

I  proposed  to  Judge  Dawkins  to  appoint  him  District 
Judge,  before  his  elevation  to  the  Bench.  He  took  time 
to  consider  the  proposition,  and  declined.  Then  an  ap- 
plication was  made  in  favor  of  Chief  Justice  Moses, 
signed  by  the  members  of  the  Convention.  I  endorsed 
it  very  cordially,  but  no  appointment  was  made  by  the 
President  till  Colonel  Moses  was  elected  a  State  Judge. 
The  friends  of  Jud^e  Bryan  then  presented  me  a  recom- 
mendation, signed  by  the  members  of  the  Legislature  in 
his  favor,  which  T  endorsed  and  transmitted  to  the 
President.  He  received  the  appointment  and  accepted 
the  same. 

Finding  so  much  difficulty  in  filling  the  office  of  Dis- 
trict Judge,  I  wrote  to  Judge  Petit,  of  Indiana,  who 
had  been  United  States  Senator,  and  who  had  married 
a  young  lady  from  Greenville  and  wished  to  move  to 
South  Carolina,  offering  him  the  appointment.  My  let- 
ter miscarried  and  was  never  received  by  the  Judge. 
His  wife  wrote  me  afterwards  that  if  he  had  received  my 
letter,  he  would  have  accepted  the  Judgeship  and  moved 
to  South  Carolina.  He  was  a  gentleman  of  great  ability 
and  altogether  a  Southerner  in  his  feelings. 

It  was  a  great  while  before  the  Federal  Court  was  re- 
organized in  South  Carolina.  I  understood  the  Presi- 
dent was  unwilling  to  organize  this  court,  on  account 
of  the  trouble  he  thought  its  proceedings  would  give 


Provisional  Governorship.  269 

him.  He  did  not  know  but  that  Congress  might  insist 
on  prosecutions  for  treason  and  confiscation.  He  may 
have  thougrht,  too,  it  was  time  enough  to  establish 
civil  courts  in  South  Carolina,  after  the  Federal  troops 
had  been  withdrawn  and  their  conrtsmartial  abolished. 
Tn  rend  in  ir  oyer  rhe  applications  for  pardon,  T  was 
greatly  amused  to  see  how  many  of  the  applicants 
stated  that  they  were  originally  opposed  to  secession. 
Reading:  these  applications  one  evening  to  a,  lady,  she 
remarked  it  was  very  strange  that  South  Carolina  had 
ever  seceded,  for  it  seemed  a  majority  were  opposed  to 
It.  T  have  no  doubt  that  a  majority  of  the  people  of 
South  Carolina  were,  at  heart,  opposed  to  secession,  but 
they  were  afraid  or  ashamed  to  say  so.  All  who  sonirht 
public  office  or  popularity  had  to  pretend  to  be  in  favor 
of  secession.  All  the  Northern  men  in  the  State  had  to 
make  the  same  pretense,  for  their  own  peace  and 
security.  A  great  many  old  men  favored  secession 
against  their  better  judgment,  because  their  sons  were 
so  violent  in  their  advocacy  of  it.  There  was  a  large 
class  who  advocated  it  to  show  their  spirit  and  cour- 
age— like  a  scared  boy  at  night,  whistling  as  he  passes 
a  grave  yard,  to  show  that  he  is  not  afraid.  When  the 
members  of  the  secession  convention  were  elected,  there 
was  scarcely  a  district  in  the  State  where  a  majority  of 
the  voters  turned  out  to  vote.  This  was  indeed  an 
ominous  sign,  and  so  regarded  at  the  time. 


The  Provisional  Governorship  of  South  Carolina. 

No.  5. 

Tn  order  to  facilitate  the  qualification  of  the  people  to 
vote  at  the  election  for  members  of  the  State  Conven- 
tion, I  ordered  the  Magistrates,  after  taking  the  oath  of 
allegiance  themselves,  to  administer  it  to  all  others. 
Before  this,  the  Provost  Marshals  alone  had  adminis- 
tered the  oath,  and  thought  they  alone  had  a  right  to 


270  Provisional  Governorship. 

do  so.  In  many  portions  of  the  State  there  were  no 
Provost  Marshals,  and  I  saw  that  this  would  deprive  a 
large  portion  of  the  people  from  voting  at  all.  But  the 
military  authorities  took  in  high  dudgeon  this  assump- 
tion of  authority  on  my  part,  and  thought  il  was 
depriving  them  of  their  exclusive,  legitimate  power.  My 
order  was  countermanded  in  express  terms  by  the 
m  ilitary  commanders.  I  immediately  wrote  the  Presi- 
dent and  Secretary  of  State.  They  both  telegraphed 
back  that  my  order  was  wise  and  judicious,  and  that 
the  military  authorities  must  not  interfere  with  my 
policy  of  reconstruction. 

About  this  time,  I  received  a,  note  from  General  Gil- 
more,  requesting  me  to  meet  General  Meade  and  him- 
self in  Columbia,  to  settle  a.  seeming  difference  between 
the  civil  and  military  authorities  The  Provost  Mar- 
shals were  holding  their  courts  all  over  the  State  and 
taking  jurisdiction  of  all  manner  of  cases  which  came 
up.  Their  decisions  were  flagrantly  in  conflict  with  all 
law,  justice  and  honesty.  Against  this  corrupt,  arbi- 
trary and  illegal  assumption  of  power  after  the  restora- 
tion of  civil  government.  I  protested  most  earnestly  to 
General  Gilmore,  the  military  commander  of  Soulh 
Carolina.  In  settling  this  question,  General  Gilmore  had 
consulted  General  Meade,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
military  division,  including  all  the  United  States.  I  met 
them  as  requested,  and  we  had  a  most  pleasant  and 
harmonious  interview.  I  have  never  met  a  more  perfect 
and  accomplished  gentleman  than  General  Meade 
seemed  to  be.  I  showed  him  and  General  Gilmore  the 
President's  dispatch,  and  also  the  communication  from 
Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State.  They  informed  me  that 
they  had  just  received  similar  from  the  authorities  in 
Washington,  directing  them  :<  not  to  interfere  with  Gov- 
ernor Perry's  reconstruction  policy." 

Then  we  went  into  consultation.  General  Meade  in_ 
<mired  of   me  what  I  wanted?    I  replied  that  I  wished 


7S> 


Provisional  Governorship.  271 

"  he  civil  law  restored  in  F^onth  Carolina,  our  courts 
.rpened,  and  the  Provost  Marshal's  courts  abolished. 
T  said  thpsp  military  courts  *vei*e  not  competent  to  dp- 
cidp  lt*gal  qupstions,  and  in  manv  portions  of  the  Statp 
they  had  acted  very  corruptly.  He  inquired  if  I  thought 
we  could  rlo  justice  in  our  law  points  to  thpuparops,  who 
wprp,  by  law.  excluded  fi-orn  givintr  testimony?  I  an- 
swered that  T  did  not,  and  until  this  law  was  nlterpd  by 
our  Lpoislatnrp,  I  was  willing  for*  his  Provost  Courts 
to  rptain  jurisdiction  of  all  pases  in  which  the  freedmen 
or  colored  people  wprp  concerned.  General  Gilmorp 
then  rpqupstpd  nip  to  draw  np  a,  paper  to  this  effect,  as 
an  B-greement  between  us,  and  hp  would  issup  a  military 
order  enforcing  it  as  soon  as  hp  returned  to  his  head- 
quarters at  Hilton  Head.  In  the  meantime  I  was  1o 
issue  my  Proclamation,  announcing  the  arrangement. 
The  courts  were  to  be  opened  forthwith,  and  all  civil 
officers  permitted  to  discharge  all  thpir  official  duties. 
Thp  people  throughout  thp  State  were  gratified  at  this 
arrangement,  as  it  relieved  them  in  a  great  measure  of 
thp  arbitrary  and  corrupt  procppdings  of  the  Provost 
Courts. 

Gpnpral  Gilmorp  said  to  mp  very  proudly,  that  on 
reading  my  Proclamation  bethought  I  had  transcended 
the  power  which  the  President  had  invested  me  with, 
and  so  telegraphed  to  Washington,  as  I  have  already 
stated.  He  said  he  could  not  suppose  I  was  authorized 
to  reappoint  all  the  old  civil  officers  who  had  been  in 
rebellion,  nor  did  he  think  I  was  authorized  to  order 
magistrates  to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance,  which 
duty  had  been  exercised  by,  and  properly  belonged  to, 
the  Provost  Marshals.  I  felt  then  a  proud  consolation 
in  knowing  that  the  President  had  sustained  me  in 
these  matters,  and  in  everything  else  that  I  had  done 
since  my  appointment. 

General  Gil  more  had  not  the  accomplishments  of  Gen- 
eral Meade,  or  his  prepossessing  personal   appearance. 


272  Provisional  Governorship. 

but  he  impressed  me  most  forcibly  as  a  man  of  talents 
and  ability.  In  the  course  of  our  conversation,  I  urged 
the  propriety  of  withdrawing  the  colored  troops  from 
the  State.  Their  conduct  had  been  very  atrocious  in 
many  places,  and  they  were  a,  great  terror  to  the  com- 
munity wherever  they  were  stationed.  General  Meade 
said  he  was  opposed  to  having-  colored  troops  in  the 
army,  and  was  trying  to  get  rid  of  them.  But  they  had 
to  exercise  great  caution  and  prudence  in  order  not  to 
offend  public  opinion  at  the  North.  General  Gilmore  as- 
sured me  that  all  the  colored  troops  under  his  command 
should  be  put  in  forts  on  the  sea  coast,  where  they 
could  do  no  mischief.  He  said  he  intended  to  put  them 
to  work,  but  would  have  to  place  white  troops  with 
them  to  save  the  appearance  of  making  a  distinction 
on  account  of  color. 

Whilst  we  were  in  conversation,  I  received  a  commu- 
nication from  Poeataligo,  giving  me  a,  minute  account 
of  a,  most  horrible  outrage  committed  by  Negro  soldiers 
on  some  ladies  and  gentlemen.  I  read  the  communica- 
tion to  General  Gilmore.  He  asked  me  for  it,  and  said 
he  would  have  the  offenders  brought  to  justice.  I  saw 
afterwards  in  the  newspapers, that  two  or  three  of  them 
had  been  tried  and  executed.  I  likewise  received  a.  tele- 
gram from  President  Johnson,  stating  that  my  commu- 
nication had  been  read  and  was  satisfactory,  and  re- 
quested me  to  hasten  the  reconstruction  of  the  State. 

Just  before  leaving  home,  I  received  from  the  Presi- 
dent a  long  telegram,  to  which  I  replied  at  some  length. 
This  was  the  communication  referred  to  in  his  last  tele- 
gram, as  being  satisfactory.  He  had  stated  in  the 
telegram  received  just  before  starting:  "That  it  was 
reported  in  high  circles  the  Provisional  Governors  were 
ignoring  the  old  Union  men  and  giving  a  preference  in 
all  their  appointments  to  rebel  soldiers."  The  Presi- 
dent likewise  stated  that  this  report  was  damaging  the 
administration,  and  giving  just  cause  of  complaint.     In 


Provisional  Governorship.  273 

my  reply,  I  stated:  "That  so  far  as  the  report  con- 
cerned the  Provisional  Governor  of  South  Carolina, 
there  was  not  a  word  of  truth  in  it,  and  that  there  were 
no  Union  men  in  South  Carolina  to  be  ignored. "  I  also 
stated  that  there  were  "some  office  seekers  who  pre- 
tended to  have  been  Union  men,  but  whose  latent 
Unionism  was  never  heard  of  till  brought  to  light  by 
hope  of  office."  I  said  I  had  "  rejected  all  such  appli- 
cations and  preferred  giving  appointments  to  honest, 
competent  soldiers,  who  had  been  maimed  in  the  war." 
I  also  took  occasion  to  say  that  "  my  experience 
through  life  satisfied  me  that  a  man  who  had  no  moral 
integrity  had  no  political  principles,  and  that  such  a 
man  would  identify  himself  with  any  party  for  office  or 
gain,  regardless  of  principle  or  country. 

I  told  General  Meade  the  purport  of  my  reply  to  the 
President.  He  remarked:  lkI  hope,  sir,  the  reverse  of 
your  proposition  is  not  true:  that  a  man  without  po- 
litical principles  has  no  moral  integrity.  I  have  no 
political  principles,  and  never  voted  but  twice  in  my  life, 
once  for  Bell  and  Everett,  and  in  the  last  Presidential 
election  for  Lincoln  and  Johnson." 

In  speaking  of  the  war  and  its  termination,  General 
Meade  said  Lee  ought  to  have  surrendered  after  the 
battle  of  Gettysburg.  He  contended  that  the  contest 
was  a  hopeless  one  after  that  battle,  and  the  Confeder- 
ate army  began  so  to  regard  it.  Desertions  com- 
menced. Whilst  surrounding  Richmond,  he  said  whole 
companies  came  over  to  his  army  and  stated  that  they 
had  entered  the  contest  zealously  and  had  fought  as 
long  as  there*  was  any  hope  of  success.  I  have  said 
General  Meade  is  a  fine  looking  and  accomplished  gen- 
tleman. He  was  the  beau  ideal  of  a  hero,  dressed  in  full 
uniform.  His  sentiments  were  all  liberal  ai\d  patriotic. 
There  was  no  fanaticism  about  him.  I  was  delighted 
with  his  manners,  conversation  and  appearance.  I  met 
him  two  or  three  rimes  afterwards  in  Philadelphia.     He 


274  Provisional  Governorship. 

was  shabbily  dressed,  with  an  old  straw  hat,  linen  coat 
and  pants,  long  beard,  &c.  T  could  hardly  realize  that 
he  was  the  same  person  I  had  met  in  full  military 
feather,  two  or  three  years  before,  in  Columbia.  When 
I  afterwards  heard  of  his  arbitrary  and  infamous  con- 
duct in  Georgia,  T  thought  there  must  be  two  General 
Meades,  the  one  a  tine  looking  and  accomplished  gentle- 
man, high-toned,  liberal,  and  the  personification  of 
honor,  and  the  other  a  shabby  looking-  fellow,  playing 
the  petty  despot  in  Georgia. 

The  Provisional  Governorship  of  South  Carolina. 

No    6. 

Soon  after  my  interview  with  Generals  Meade  and  Gil- 
more,  mentioned  in  the  last  number  ov'  these  Renr- 
niscenees,  the  State  Convention  assembled,  under  my 
Proclamation,  to  reform  the  Constitution  of  South  Car- 
olina. It  was  composed  of  the  ablest,  wisest  and  most 
distinguished  men  of  South  Carolina.  I  telegraphed  the 
President,  that  no  political  assemblage  in  South  Caro- 
lina, had  ever  surpassed  it  in  virtue,  intelligence  and 
patriotism.  All  the  Judges,  Chancellors,  ex-Governors, 
United  States  Senators,  and  members  of  Congress, 
with  few  exceptions,  were  members  of  the  Conven- 
tion. They  met  with  a  laudable  spirit  to  accept 
the  situation  to  which  the  fate  of  the  war  had 
reduced  them,  and  make  the  most  of  it,  which 
could  be  devised  by  wisdom  and  patriotism.  Their 
sole  object  w  as  to  redeem  and  regenerate  the 
State,  restore  her  prosperity  and  increase  the  future 
happiness  of  the  whole.  Whilst  they  were  unwilling  to 
extend  to  the  colored  people,  just  emancipated  from 
slavery  and  in  profound  ignorance  of  all  political  duties 
and  obligations,  the  right  of  suffrage,  they  were  deter- 
mined to, protect  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  free- 
dom, and   in   the  security   of  their  lives,  persons  and 


Provisional  Governorship.  275 

property.  They  felt  towards  them  no  animosity  or  ill- 
will  8H  a  race,  and  could  not;  for  the  colored  people, 
throughout  the  war,  with  few  exceptions,  had  behaved 
well,  and  were  qniet,  industrious  and  loyal  to  their 
owners.  I  thought  as  a  matter  of  policy  and  justice, 
that  the  intelligent  property  holders  amongst  the  freed- 
men  should  be  allowed  to  vote,  and  so  stated  in  the 
original  draft  of  my  first  message  to  the  convention. 
But  my  friends  advised  me  to  leave  out  this  recommen-- 
d  at  ion,  as  it  would  only  produce  a  division  in  the  con- 
vention, and  there  was  no  probability  of  its  being- 
adopted.  I  did  so,  and  have  ever  since  regretted  it,  for 
if  a  qualified  suffrage  had  been  extended  to  the  colored 
people,  we  might  have  avoided  the  second  reconstruc- 
tion and  the  Constitutional  Amendment  imposed  by 
Congress.  This  would  have  relieved  us  from  our  present 
degraded  arid  ruinous  condition  and  excluded  from  our 
midst  the  vile  carpet-bagger  and  mean  scalawag,  who 
have  prejudiced  and  weaned  from  us  the  colored  people. 

The  President  had  promised  me,  whilst  in  Washing- 
ton, that  he  would  pardon  such  persons  as  I  desired  to 
be  members  of  the  convention,  and  who  would  be  will- 
ing to  carry  out  our  views  of  reform.  This  was  gen- 
erally known,  and  was  an  inducement  for  the  prominent 
secessionists  to  become  candidates  for  the  convention. 
When  I  applied  to  him  for  pardon  for  Judge  Orr,  Gene- 
ral McGowan  and  others,  I  told  him  their  services 
would  be  important  to  me  in  the  convention.  He  said  : 
"I  cannot  pardon  them  now,  but  go  home  and  I  will 
send  you  their  pardons  as  soon  as  the  convention 
meets." 

When  the  convention  met,  I  submitted  to  them  my 
message,  in  which  I  urged  the  abolition  of  slavery,  the 
destruction  of  the  Parish  system,  equal  representation 
throughout  the  State  in  proportion  to  taxation  and 
population  on  the  Federal  basis,  the  election  of  Gov- 
ernor and  Presidential  electors  by  the  people,  with  some 


276  Provisional  Governorship. 

minor  recommendations  and  reforms  in  our  State  Con- 
stitution. This  message  was  well  received  by  the  conven- 
tion, and  almost  every  recommendation  adopted,  and 
became  parts  of  our  State  Constitution.  This  was  very 
gratifying  to  me,  as  I  had  all  my  life  urged  these  meas- 
ures of  reform  on  the  State,  and  now  had  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  them,  at  last,  all  adopted,  with  great  una- 
nimity. The  first  thirty  years  of  my  political  life,  had 
been  a  series  of  failures  and  disappointments.  When 
the  State  seceded,  I  wrote  to  a  friend  that  my  course 
and  advice  had  scarcely  ever  been  followed  by  the  peo- 
ple of  South  Carolina,  and  this  destruction  of  the  Fede- 
ral Union  was  the  crowning-  act  of  all  my  political  mis- 
fortunes and  failures.  I  had  most  zealously  and  hon- 
estly tried  to  serve  my  State,  and  not  a  single  success 
or  honor  had  rewarded  my  services.  How  little  did  I 
then  suppose  it  possible  to  live  to  see  all  my  measures 
of  reform  adopted,  and  myself  honored,  within  one 
short  twelve  months,  with  the  offices  of  District  Attor- 
ney, Judge,  Governor  and  United  States  Senator. 

Whilst  the  convention  was  in  session.  President  John- 
son requested  me  to  keep  him  posted  as  to  their  action 
and  proceedings.  This  I  did,  by  sending  a  telegram 
every  day.  I  requested  him  to  pardon  twenty  members 
of  the  convention  a  day  or  two  after  they  assembled. 
He  promptly  sent  me  pardons  for  all  of  them,  except 
Governor  Pickens.  I  then  telegraphed  him  it  was  nec- 
essary for  the  Judges  and  Chancellors  to  be  pardoned 
before  they  started  on  their  circuits.  This  he  promptly 
did.  When  the  election  took  place  for  the  members  of 
the  Legislature,  under  the  new  Constitution,  General 
Butler,  General  Hagood,  Governor  Bonham,  General 
Elliott  and  others,  who  were  elected  members,  requested 
me  to  telegraph  for  their  pardons.  The  President 
promptly  sent  me  pardons  for  all  of  them,  except  Gene- 
ral Hagood.  When  it  was  supposed  that  General 
Hampton  had  been  elected   Governor  over  Judge  Orr, 


Provisional  Governorship.  277 

the  nominee  of  the  eon  vent  ion,  I  wrote  the  President 
explaining  the  result,  and  asked  him  to  send  me  a  par- 
don for  General  Hampton.  He  telegraphed  meinstantly 
that  the  pardon  had  been  made  out  and  would  be  for- 
warded in  time.  But  when  the  legal  count  took  place 
in  the  Legislature,  Judge  Oit  was  elected  by  four  or  five 
hundred  votes.  General  Hampton  immediately  re- 
quested me  to  write  to  the  President  and  inform*  him 
that  as  his  pardon  had  been  issued  under  a  wrong  impres- 
sion, he  should  decline  to  receive  it.  This  was  certainly 
punctiliously  honorable  on  the  part  of  General  Hamp- 
ton. 

When  the  convention  adjourned,  I  sent  the  President 
a  copy  of  their  proceedings,  and  also  a  copy  of  the  new 
Constitution.  He  wrote  me  in  reply  that  he  was  grati- 
fied with  all  that  had  been  done.  The  convention  was 
harmonious  in  almost  all  of  its  proceedings.  There 
was  some  opposition  to  the  formal  abolition  of  slavery. 
Judge  Aldrich  and  two  or  three  other  members  voted 
against  it.  Judge  Orr  stated  to  the  convention,  on 
my  authority,  that  the  President  would  not  remove  the 
Federal  forces  from  the  State,  and  Congress  would  not 
receive  the  State  back  into  the  Union  till  this  was  done. 
There  were  some  of  the  members  who  thought  it  unnec- 
essary, as  slavery  had  been  already  abolished  by  the 
military  authorities.  Governor  Gist  was  a  candidate 
for  the  convention  when  he  came  to  Greenville  to  see  me 
about  getting  his  pardon.  He  told  me  he  would  not 
vote  for  the  abolition  of  slavery.  I  advised  him  then 
not  to  go  to  the  convention,  and  he  did  withdraw  from 
the  canvass.  I  did  not  wish  for  it  to  appear  that  there 
was  any  opposition  to  this  measure  in  South  Carolina. 
Between  the  adjournment  of  the  convention  and  the 
election  of  Governor,  there  was  a  very  short  interval, 
and  it  was  thought  that  there  should  be  some  concen- 
tration of  public  opinion.  I  had  positively  refused  to 
permit  my  mime  to  be  used  in  the  canvass.    The  meas- 


278  Provisional  Governorship. 

tire  of  my  ambition  for  gubernatorial  honors  was  full 
to  overflowing.  The  members  of  the  convention  there- 
fore signed  a,  paper  requesting  Judge  Orr  to  consent  to 
become  a  candidate  for  Governor.  The  Judge  accepted 
the- nomination.  There  was  no  time  to  canvass  the 
State,  or  explain  the  necessity  of  a  nomination.  The 
people  took  offence  at  this  caucus  movement,  and  some 
one  nominated  General  Hampton  in  theColumbia  news- 
papers, without  his  consent  or  any  consultation  with 
him.  General  Hampton  was  very  popular,  and  if  he 
had  desired  the  nomination,  the  members  of  the  con- 
vention would  have  given  it  to  him  with  great  una- 
nimity. But  he  did  not  desire  it,  and  declared  that  he 
was  not  and  would  not  be  a  candidate.  Notwithstand- 
ing all  this,  his  nomination  was  taken  up  all  over  the 
State,  and  he  was  voted  for  everywhere,  except  in  his 
own  district  of  Richland.  He  went  to  the  polls  in  Co- 
lumbia, and  requested  his  friends,  as  a  personal  favor, 
not  to  vote  for  him.  After  the  election,  it  was  generally 
supposed  that  Hampton  was  elected.  He  was  very 
much  annoyed,  and  came  to  consult  me  as  to  the  proper 
course  for  him  to  pursue.  I  told  him  that  he  would 
have  to  serve  if  elected,  no  matter  what  the  private  sac- 
rifice might  be  to  him,  or  how  repugnant  to  his  feelings 
it  might  be  to  accept  the  office.  It  would  not  do,  in  the 
present  condition  of  the  St<ite,  for  him  to  refuse  a  posi- 
tion voluntarily  assigned  him  by  the  people.  The  vital 
importance  of  having  the  State  reconstructed,  as 
speedily  as  possible,  was  an  appeal  to  his  honor  and 
patriotism  which  he  could  not  resist.  Most  reluctantly 
he  consented  to  follow  my  advice. 

Judge  Orr  was  likewise  very  much  chagrined  to  think 
that  he  had  been  beated  by  one  who  was  not  a  candi- 
date, and  did  not  desire  the  office.  When  the  official 
count  was  declared,  and  it  was  made  known  to  Judge 
Orr  that  he  was  elected  Governor  of  the  State,  he  spoke 
of  not  accepting  the  office.    He  said  he  had   reluctantly 


Provisional  Governorship.  279 

consented  to  be  a  candidate,  under  the  impression  that 
it  was  the  general  wish  of  the  people.  He  had  already 
filled  higher  honors  than  that  of  the  Governorship  of 
South  Carolina.  He  had  been  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  and  a  Senator  of 
the  Confederate  States.  Mr.  Burt,  who  happened  to  be 
at  his  house  when  he  received  the  information  of  his 
election,  told  him  plainly  that  he  must  not  and  could 
not  refuse  to  accept  the  Governorship  of  the  State,  no 
matter  by  how  small  a  majority  he  was  elected.  He 
good  humoredly  said  to  him:  uYou  know  that  in  ac- 
cepting the  nomination,  you  expressed  a  distrust  of 
your  qualifications,  and  in  this  it  seems  a  large  portion 
of  the  people  of  South  Carolina  have  concurred  with 
you,  but  still  you  promised  to  serve  if  elected,  and 
you  have  been  elected.  Therefore,  there  is  no  backing 
out  on  your  part." 

The  Legislature  assembled  in  extra  session  in  order  to 
provide  for  the  election  of  members  of  Congress.  I  had 
to  continue  Governor  till  the  Governor  electwas inaugu- 
rated, which  could  not  be  done  till  the  regular  session. 
I  sent  a  message  to  the  Legislature,  making  a  great 
many  recommendations  in  our  laws.  Most  of  the  altera- 
tions proposed  were  adopted  by  the  Legislature.  Pro- 
vision was  made  for  theelection  of  members  of  Congress, 
and  the  Legislature  determined  to  go  into  the  election 
of  Unitpd  States  Senators.  The  candidates  for  the  long 
and  short  terms  were  Governor  Manning,  Governor 
Pickens,  Governor  Bonham,  Colonel  Campbell,  W.  H. 
Trescott  and  myself.  It  was  pretty  well  understood 
that  I  was  to  be  elected  for  the  long  term,  and  no  one 
opposed  me.  The  others  were  all  candidates  for  the 
short  term.  The  friends  of  Colonel  Campbell  proposed 
to  one  of  my  friends  that  they  would  all  vote  for  me,  if 
my  friends  would  vote  for  the  Colonel.  General 
Easley,  to  whom  this  proposition  was  made,  said  he 
could  not  think  of  communicating  it  to  me  or  my  friends. 


280  Provisional  Governorship. 

that  1  had  kept  aloof  from  all  electioneering;,  either  for 
myself  or  others,  and  intended  to  remain  neutral  in 
regard  to  the  various  candidates. 

Colonel  Campbell,  with  whom  I  was  very  intimate, 
came  to  me  one  evening  and  inquired  who  had  my  elec- 
tion in  charge?  I  replied,  "no  one!"  He  asked  if  Judge 
Hawkins,  who  was  then  a  member  of  the  Legislature, 
had  not  the  matter  in  charge?  I  informed  him  that  I 
had  never  spoken  one  word  to  Judge  Daw  kins  on  the 
subject,  and  really  did  not  know  whether  he  would  vote 
for  me  or  not.  The  Colonel,  good  humoredly,  replied 
that  since  Orr  had  popularized  the  Constitution,  it  was 
no  longer  a  reproach,  as  it  formerly  was,  for  a  candidate 
to  electioneer  for  Governor,  Judge  or  United  States 
Senator!  I  said,  you  must  think  the  Legislature 
demoralized  as  well  as  the  Constitution  popularized  ! 

When  the  election  came  on,  twenty  of  Colonel  Camp- 
bell \s  friends  from  Charleston  voted  for  Governor 
Manning-,  in  opposition  to  me.  They  thought  by  doing 
this  they  would  prejudice  my  friends  against  Manning 
when  he  started  in  opposition  to  Campbell  for  the  short 
term.  It  did  have  that  effect,  and  twenty  or  thirty  of 
my  personal  friends  voted  for  Chancellor  Dunkin  on  the 
first  ballot  for  the  short  term.  But  as  soon  as  the  vote 
was  taken,  they  saw-  that  the  very  members  who  had 
voted  for  Manning-  against  me,  voted  for  Campbell 
against  Manning,  when  they  were  both  in  the  held. 
This  showed  that  they  were  not  original  friends  of  Gov- 
ernor Manning.  Had  Governor  Pickens  been  accepta- 
ble to  the  United  States,  I  should  have  preferred  him  as 
a  colleague,  on  account  of  his  experience  in  Congress  and 
talents  as  a  statesman.  But  it  would  not  have  done  to 
have  elected  him  to  the  United  States  Senate  at  that 
time.  The  result  was,  I  was  elected  for  the  long  term, 
and  Governor  Manning  for  the  short  term,  but  as  is 
well  known,  the  United  States  Senate  denied  us  our 
seats. 


Provisional  Governorship.  281 

Mrs.  Pickens,  who  is  a  most  charming  and  lovely 
lady,  came  down  to  Columbia  jnst  before  the  election, 
and  it  was  supposed  she  came  to  electioneer  for  her  hus- 
band. But  she  told  me  that  the  Governor  did  not 
desire  the  position  and  was  not  a  candidate.  She  said 
she  had  come  to  Columbia,  to  get  me  to  write  the  Presi- 
dent for  a  pardon  for  Governor  Pickens.  I  did  write  a 
very  urgent  appeal,  which  Mrs.  Pickens  carried  to  the 
telegraph  office  herself,  and  had  sent  to  the  President. 
But  no  reply  came,  and  this  increased  her  anxiety,  and 
the  Governor  wrote  me  several  letters  on  the  subject. 
He  thought  the  President's  silence  was  in  violation  of 
the  promise  he  made  rue  to  pardon  such  persons  jis  I 
wished  to  haveelected  members  of  the  State  Convention. 


The  Provisional  Governorship  of  South  Carolina. 

No.  7. 

Judge  Magrath  was  elected  Governor  of  South  Caro- 
lina towards  the  close  of  the  war.  Immediately  after 
the  surrender  of  Generals  Lee  and  Johnson,  he  was 
arrested  by  the  military  authorities,  and  sent  a  pris- 
oner to  Fort  Pulaski,  where  he  was  detained  for  some 
time.  After  his  release,  which  I  Urged  on  the  President 
with  great  earnestness,  he  came  to  Columbia  and  called 
to  see  me.  I  thought  he  was  very  much  improved  by 
liis  imprisonment.  He  informed  me  that  he  was  kindly 
treated,  and  all  the  Yankee  officers  and  soldiers  were 
courteous  and  respectful  towards  him.  Even  the  Negro 
troops  were  all  civil  to  the  prisoners.  He  said  they 
were  looking  out  at  the  arrival  of  every  steamer,  for 
Governor  Pickens,  and  wondering  why  he,  too,  had  not 
been  arrested.  He  certainly  played  a  most  conspicuous 
part  in  the  Secession  of  the  State,  and  ordered  the  firing 
on  the  Staj-  of  the  West,  which  was  the  commence- 
ment of  hostilities  between  the  North  and  the  South.  It 
was  a  little  surprising  that  such  men  as  Governor  Ma- 


282  Provisional  Governorship. 

grath  and  Mr.  George  Trenholm  should  be  arrested  and 
Governor  Pickens  permitted  to  go  at  large. 

At  the  extra  session  of  the  Legislature,  I  received  a 
telegram  from  President  Johnson,  urging,  in  very 
strong  terms,  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tional Amendment  abolishing  slavery.  In  reply,  I 
wrote  him  that  South  Carolina  had  already,  in  good 
faith,  abolished  slavery,  and  never  thought  of  attempt- 
ing to  restore  it.  I  stated,  likewise,  that  the  only  ob- 
jection we  had  to  the  Federal  Amendment  was  the 
second  section,  which  might  be  construed  to  give  Con- 
gress the  power  of  legislating  for  the  freed  men  in  the 
Southern  States,  after  they  had  been  set  free.  Mr. 
Seward  replied  to  my  letter,  and  insisted  that  this 
second  section  did  not  enlarge,  but  restrained  the  power 
under  the  first  section.  The  President  likewise  tele- 
graphed me,  beseeching  that  South  Carolina  would  not 
then  "lose  all  she  had  done  and  so  well  done,"  by  stick- 
ling at  the  adoption  of  the  proposed  Amendment  of  the 
Federal  Constitution.  I  then  sent  a  message  to  the 
Legislature,  urging  its  adoption,  and  stated  the  con- 
struction of  the  Secretary  of  State,  as  to  the  object  of 
the  second  section.  I  took  the  ground  that  it  was 
obvious  Congress  would  require  the  adoption  of  this 
Amendment  by  all  the  Southern  States  before  they 
could  get  back  into  the  Union.  In  conclusion,  I  stated 
that  the  destiny  of  the  State  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Legislature,  and  I  felt  assured  that  their  action  would 
be  governed  by  wisdom  and  patriotism.  The  Amend- 
ment was  adopted  by  a  large  majority  of  both  Houses. 
I  was  anxious  that  South  Carolina,  being  the  first  State 
to  leave  the  Union,  should  be  the  first  to  return.  Had 
L  foreseen  the  degradation,  infamy  and  ruin,  which  has 
followed  our  return  to  the  Union,  never  would  I  have 
advised  such  a  step,  whilst  in  the  possession  of  my 
senses.  I  concur  with  Jefferson  Davis  in  saying  that  if 
the  Southern  people  could  have  foreseen  the  future, 
there  would  have  been  no  surrender. 


Provisional  Governorship.  283 

In  going  down  to  Columbia  to  attend  the  regular 
session  of  the  Legislature,  I  met  Governor  Orr  at 
Helton,  and  addressed  him  as  Governor.  He  requested 
me  not  to  address  him  in  that  style  again.  He  said  the 
votes  had  not  then  been  officially  counted,  and  he 
thought  the  election  very  doubtful.  We  reached  Co- 
lumbia Sunday  evening,  and  the  election  was  declared 
on  Monday.  Governor  Orr  received  five  or  six  hundred 
votes  more  than  General  Hampton.  We  had  rooms 
opposite  each  other  in  Nickerson  Hotel.  He  came  to 
my  room  after  the  election  was  declared  and  requested 
me  to  telegraph  the  President  as  to  his  being  inaugu- 
rated. I  said  no,  not  one  word  will  I  say  to  him  about 
the  inauguration  till  it  is  over.  Then  I  will  inform  him 
the  deed  is  done.  If  I  were  to  consult  him  about  it  be- 
forehand, he  might  make  it  the  subject  of  a  Cabinet 
consultation,  and  they  would  probably  advise  a  post- 
ponement of  the  Inauguration  till  the  Provisional 
Governor  was  relieved. 

The  day  appointed  for  the  inauguration  of  the  Gov- 
ernor-elect was  Wednesday.  That  morning,  both 
Governor  Orr  and  myself  received  telegrams  from  Colo- 
nel Trescott,  the  agent  of  South  Carolina  at  Washing- 
ton, on  the  subject  of  forfeited  lands,  advising  the  post- 
ponement of  the  inauguration  till  his  return  to  Colum- 
bia. I  said  to  Governor  Orr,  instead  of  Trescott  ?s: 
telegram  beiug  a.  reason  for  postponing,  it  would  cause 
me  to  hasten  it  if  I  could.  I  was  afraid  he  might  have 
some  order  or  request  from  the  President  on  the  subject. 
The  inauguration  took  place  as  appointed.  I  delivered 
a  farewell  address  to  the  Legislature,  which  was  well 
received,  and  elicited  their  applause.  I  told  them,  that 
as  Provisional  Governor,  it  had  been  my  duty  to  lead 
them,  as  the  chosen  people  of  old,  through  the  military 
rule  and  oppression  within  sight  of  the  promised  land, 
where  they  would  enjoy  once  more  self-government  and 
civil  liberty.     But  that  it  was  reserved  for  mv  distin- 


284  Provisional  Governorship. 

guished  friend,  their  own  chosen  Governor,  the  first  ever- 
elected  by  the  people  of  South  Carolina,  to  guide  them 
over  the  liver,  and  see  that  they  were  secured  in  the 
enjoyment  of  life,  liberty  and  property. 

Governor  Orr  then  delivered  his  Inaugural  Address, 
which  was  well  considered,  wise,  patriotic  and  appropri- 
ate. He  had  lead  it  to  me  the  day  previous,  and 
requested  that  I  would  criticise  both  its  matter  and 
style.  After  the  inauguration  was  over,  I  telegraphed 
the  President,  and  requested  that  I  might  be  permitted 
to  transfer  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  State  to  Gov- 
ernor On*.  In  reply,  I  received  a  communication  from 
Mr.  Seward,  stating  that  the  President  would  soon  re- 
lieve me,  or  words  to  that  effect.  He  had  previously, 
more  than  once,  directed  me  expressly  to  continue  to 
discharge  the  duties  of  Provisional  Governor,  till  posi- 
tively relieved  by  him.  I  had  said  in  my  farewell  address 
to  the  Legislature,  that  I  should  thereafter  make  all  my 
communications  to  them  through  their  Constitutional 
Governor.  This  I  had  occasion  to  do,  in  regard  to  the 
wishes  of  the  President,  in  reference  to  the  repudiation 
of  our  war  debt.  Several  communications  had  passed 
between  the  President,  Mr.  Seward  and  myself,  on  this 
subject.  I  informed  them  that  the  State  Convention 
had  been  dissolved,  and  could  not  re-assemble,  that  the 
Legislature  had  no  power  to  repudiate  the  war  debt, 
that  it  was  a  very  small  one,  and  was  owned  in  part  by 
widows  and  orphans,  and  that  it  would  be  an  act  of 
great  injustice  to  them,  for  it  to  be  repudiated.  I  also 
said,  that  in  South  Carolina,,  they  were  all  Secessionists, 
and  the  tax-payers  had  no  right  to  complain  of  this 
debt,  which  was  created  by  themselves.  The  people  of 
South  Carolina  then  had  a  horror  of  repudiation,  for 
all  their  public  debt  was  honest  and  meritorious.  But 
now  they  are  very  much  inclined  to  repudiation,  asthey 
believe  that  the  present  public  debt  is  fraudulent  and 
was  created  by  rogues  and  swindlers. 


Provisional  Governorship.  285 

I  remained  in  Columbia  till  near  the  close  of  the  ses- 
sion of  the  Legislature,  without  beng  released  as  Pro- 
visional Governor.  The  day  after  I  returned  home,  the 
President's  dispatch  was  received,  authorizing  me  to 
transfer  the  funds  and  papers  in  my  possession  belong- 
ing to  the  State  of  South  Carolina  to  Governor  Orr,  the 
Constitutional  Governor  of  the  State.  This  was  very 
easily  done,  as  I  had  not  received  a  dollar  or  collected 
a  dollar  as  Provisional  Governor  during  the  whole  of 
my  administration.  The  President  directed  me,  imme- 
diately after  my  appointment,  to  levy  a  tax  on  the 
people,  and  have  it  collected,  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
the  convention.  This  I  declined  to  do,  on  account  of 
the  poverty  and  utter  destitution  of  the  country  and 
the  inability  of  the  people  to  pay  any  tax  or  assess- 
ment.  I  stated  to  the  convention  in  my  message  on 
their  assembling  together,  that  they  would  have  to  pro- 
vide ways  and  means  of  defraying  their  expenses.  They 
made  arrangements  through  the  State  Bank  for  this 
purpose.  I  was  authorized  likewise  by  the  President,  to 
sell  any  of  the  public  property  of  the  State,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernorship. This  I  would  not  do.  For  six  months  no 
money  was  received  or  paid  out  by  the  State.  When 
was  there  ever  a  more  economical  administration  of  a 
State  Government!  The  Mississippi  Governor,  Sharkey, 
levied  a  tax  on  cotton  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his 
Provisional  Governorship  of  that  State.  In  every  other 
State  there  was  money  raised  in  someway,  to  maintain 
the  State  Government.  In  South  Carolina  alone,  there 
were  no  taxes  levied,  and  no  money  received  into  the 
public  treasury. 

During  the  latter  part  of  my  administration,  ] 
ordered  the  formation  of  volunteer  companies  of  militia 
in  every  district,  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  order 
and  keeping  the  peace  of  the  State.  These  companies 
were  to  be  an  auxiliary  force  to  the  Federal  troops  and 


286  Provisional  Governorship. 

receive  their  orders  from  the  commanders  at  the  differ- 
ent ports.  This  proclamation  gave  great  satisfaction, 
and  in  almost  every  district  companies  were  organized. 
This  had  a  most  salutary  influence  in  deterring  the 
vicious,  keeping-  the  negroes  quiet  and  relieving  the 
apprehensions  of  the  people. 

The  only  serious  annoyance  which  I  had  during  my 
term  of  office,  was  the  continued  reports  of  grievances 
all  over  the  State,  which  I  could  not  relieve  or  redress. 
Every  mail  brought  me  some  complaint  against  the 
Federal  troops,  the  Negroes,  Treasury  agents,  &c,  &c. 
Where  the  colored  troops  were  stationed,  these  com- 
plaints were  indeed  horrible.  But  I  was  powerless.  I 
could  only  bring  these  grievances  to  the  notice  of  the 
commanding  General,  and  ask  him  to  enquire  into 
them.  The  Treasury  agents  were  a  cursed  set  of  rogues 
and  scoundrels. 

Their  lawless  depredations  were  most  villainous. 
They  took  horses,  cotton,  mules,  saddles  and  wagons, 
wherever  it  suited  their  convenience,  without  any 
regard  to  the  title  of  the  property  thus  taken.  They 
received  bribes  whenever  they  were  offered,  and  levied 
black-mail  wherever  they  went.  I  went  to  the  head  of 
the  Treasury  and  reported  several  of  these  scoundrels. 
Mr.  McCullough  sent  for  a  stenographer  and  took  down 
all  that  I  said.  He  assured  me  they  should  be  brought 
to  justice.  I  also  spoke  to  the  President  in  reference  to 
the  same  matter.  He  told  me  that  these  cotton  agents 
were  the  greatest  scoundrels  he  had  ever  had  anything 
to  do  with,  and  regretted  that  the  Government  had  ever 
undertaken  to  seize  cotton. 

I  will  mention  one  instance  of  the  roguery  of  these 
cotton  agents.  Major  Fry,  an  officer  of  the  army, 
seized  a  quantity  of  cotton  in  Pendleton,  and  hired  an 
agent  to  haul  and  ship  it.    This  agent  was  to  receive 


Provisional  Governorship.  287 

twenty  or  thirty  hales  for  his  services,  with  the  under- 
standing that  he  was  to  give  Fry  one-half  of  the  pro- 
ceeds of  his  cotton  when  sold. 


The  Provisional  Governorship  of  South  Carolina. 

No.  8. 

Just  before  I  was  relieved  as  Provisional  Governor,  1 
addressed  a  long  communication  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  informing  him  that  our  State  Government  was 
then  fully  organized,  and  requesting  that  the  Federal 
troops  might  he  removed  from  the  State,  except  in 
Charleston,  Beaufort  and  Georgetown.  I  reminded  him 
of  a  former  communication  to  me,  in  which  he  promised 
to  withdraw  all  the  troops  from  South  Carolina  as 
soon  as  the  State  Government  was  fully  organized.  1 
urged,  too,  the  re-establishment  of  the  Federal  Courts 
in  South  Carolina,  so  that  the  treasury  agents  might  be 
dispensed  with.  I  gave  him  a  full  detail  of  their  rascal- 
ity and  roguery. 

I  also  continued  my  remonstrance  on  the  employment 
of  Negro  troops  by  the  Federal  Government  in  South 
Carolina,  and  I  gave  him  a  detail  of  their  atrocious 
conduct.  At  Newberry  Court  House  they  took  a  young 
gentleman  from  Texas  out  of  the  ladies'  car,  and  shot 
him  for  resisting  the  intrusion  of  the  Negro  soldiers  on 
the  ladies!  At  Anderson  they  protected  and  carried  off 
a  Negro  who  had  wantonly  murdered  his  young 
master!  At  Greenville,  the  Negro  troops  had  knocked 
down  the  citizens  in  the  streets,  without  the  slightest 
provocation!  At  Pocotaligo,  they  had  gone  to  a  gen- 
tleman's house,  and  after  tying  him,  had  violated  the 
ladies.  I  never  received  any  reply  to  this  communica- 
tion. But  the  Negro  troops  were  removed  from  the 
upper  country,  though  not  from  the  lower  country  for 
a  great  while.  The  father  of  the  young  Texan,  mur- 
dered at  Newberry,  wrote  me  a  letter,   requesting  that 


288  Provisional  Governorship. 

the  officers  and  murderers  of  his  son  should  be  brought 
to  justice.  1  sent  his  letter  to  the  military  commander 
in  Charleston,  but  do  not  know  that  any  notice  was 
taken  of  it! 

Whilst  Provisional  Governor,  I  think  I  received,  ex- 
amined and  forwarded  between  two  and  three  thousand 
applications  for  pardon  in  six  months!  There  may 
have  been  more;  I  kept  no  record  of  them.  They  were 
mostly  from  persons  who  were  worth  more  than  twenty 
thousand  dollars.  I  did  not  reject  a  single  application. 
Two  or  three  applications  Were  sent  back  by  me,  be- 
cause they  did  not  express  any  loyalty  to  the  Govern- 
ment, ami  I  thought  the  omission  intentional.  The 
conduct  of  the  Radical  party  since,  has  been  so  infa- 
mous, that  I  should  not  now  blame  an  applicant  for 
omitting  all  professions  of  loyalty  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment whilst  in  their  hands.  My  heart  has  been  more 
weaned  from  the  General  Government  since  the  second 
reconstruction  of  South  Carolina  than  it  was  during 
the  whole  war!  My  only  hope  is  that  some  unforeseen 
event  may  occur  to  produce  a  change  in  our  rulers. 

I  stayed  at  Nickerson's  Hotel  during  the  sitting  of  the 
Convention,  the  Extra  Session  of  the  Legislature  and 
the  regular  Session,  and  had  a  suite  of  rooms  opening 
into  each  other.  During  the  convention  1  was  the  guest 
of  mine  host,  and  he  would  not  receive  any  compensa- 
tion for  his  accommodations.  My  sitting  room  was 
filled  with  company  from  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
till  ten  at  night.  Gentlemen,  ladies  and  children,  came 
to  report  grievances,  to  consult,  to  talk,  to  get  par- 
dons. I  did  not  have  time  to  go  to  the  convention  or 
Legislature  but  once  or  twice.  Besides  receiving  all  this 
company,  I  had  innumerable  letters  to  read  and  answer, 
applications  for  pardons  to  examine  and  forward  to 
Washington,  &c,  &c.  My  sympathies  were  deeply  ex- 
cited by  the  grievances  of  the  unfortunate  poor  refugees. 
They  had  been  persons  of  wealth,  had  lived  in  luxury  all 


Provisional  Governorship.  289 

their  lives,  and  had  never  before  known  what  want  was. 
There  they  were  without  fortune,  money,  or  the  means 
of  living  !  Many  of  them  had  nothing-  to  eat  except 
bread  ami  water,  and  were  thankful  if  they  could  get 
bread !  Truly  their  fate  was  a  sad  one,  and  appealed 
strongly  to  the  sympathies  of  the  community.  But 
there  were  very  few  of  their  neighbors  or  friends  who 
could  assist  them.  Sherman's  army  and  the  Confed- 
erate troops  had  consumed  the  entire  provisions  of  the 
country,  and  what  had  not  been  consumed  was  wan- 
tonly destroyed  by  the  Yankees. 

Mr.  IVtigru  once  said  to  me  before  the  war  com- 
menced :  u  These  Parish  gentlemen  are  the  biggest  fools 
in  the  world  for  wishing  disunion.  They  will  suffer  more 
than  any  others  by  a  civil  war.  Their  homes  and  prop- 
erty will  beat  the  mercy  of  the  Yankees.  Their  slaves 
will  leave  them,  and  they  will  have  to  flee  the  country." 
How  prophetic  were  these  words! 

Mr.  Townsend^  one  of  these  refugees,  came  to  me  with 
a.  long  petition,  signed  by  fifty  or  a  hundred  land  pro- 
prietors on  the  Islands,  asking  the  restoration  of  their 
lands.  I  remembered  he  was  one  of  the  most  violent  of 
disunionists  just  before  the  war,  and  had  written  a 
pamphlet  headed:  "The  South  must  be  governed  by 
Southern  men."  How  little  did  he  then  think  of  having 
the  Yankees  governing  the  South,  at  first  with  their 
bayonets,  and  then  with  carpet-baggers  and  Negroes 
and  scalawags!  His  slaves  put  in  possession  of  his 
princely  estate  and  he  a  refugee  from  home  and  his  rich 
possessions!  And  yet,  all  this  ruin  and  humiliation 
originated  in  his  own  folly  and  madness!  I  wrote  a 
most  earnest  appeal  to  the  President,  in  favor  of  these 
petitioners.  But  nothing  that  1  could  do  for  him  and 
the  other  petitioners,  seemed  to  have  any  effect  on  him. 
He  was  one  of  twenty  who  voted  against  me  for 
the  United  States  Senate,  after  all  my  exertions  in 
his  favor.     I  got  the  convention  to  authorize  me  to 


£90  Provisional  Governorship. 

appoint  ah  ageh^Avhose  duty  it  should  be  to  go  to 
Washington  and  represent  these  refugees  in  trying  to 
recover  their  lands.  I  appointed  W.  H.  Trescott,  Esq., 
who  was  most  favorably  known  in  Washington,  and 
had  once  been  acting  Secretary  of  State.  He  procured 
an  order  for  the  restoration  of  these  confiscated  lands, 
but  General  Saxton  and  his  sub-agents  thwarted  in 
some  way  the  purport  and  design  of  this  order,  and  1 
believe  the  Negroes  are  still  in  possession  of  these  lands. 

The  emancipation  of  the  slaves  rendered  it  necessary 
to  have  legislation  in  regard  to  their  condition  and 
status  in  society.  The  convention  authorized  me  to 
appoint  two  lawyers  to  prepare  a  code  on  this  subject 
and  submit  the  same  to  the  Legislature  a  tits  first  regu- 
lar session.  I  selected  Judge  Wardlaw  and  the  Honor- 
able Armistead  Burt  for  this  purpose.  They  prepared 
an  elaborate  code  of  laws  which  was  adopted  by  the 
Legislature.  But  this  code  gave  great  offense  to  the 
Federal  authorities,  and  a  reconstruction  of  the  State 
followed. 

Whilst  Provisional  Governor,  I  addressed  a,  commu- 
nication to  the  Secretary  of  State  to  know  if  the  Legis- 
lature of  South  Carolina  would  be  permitted  to  assume 
her  proportion  of  the  direct  tax  levied  by  the  Federal 
Government?  And  whether  indulgence  would  be  given 
the  State  in  paying  the  same?  I  urged  the  desolation 
and  ruin  of  the  State  by  the  civil  war  as  a  reason  for 
this  indulgence.  I  said  it  was  utterly  impossible  for  the 
people  to  pay  this  tax  at  that  time.  The  Secretary 
replied  that  this  indulgence  could  not  be  given  without 
an  act  of  Congress  authorizing  it.  In  my  message  to 
the  Legislature,  I  recommended  that  this  debt  should 
be  assumed  by  the  State,  as  she  was  authorized  to  do, 
under  the  Federal  Constitution.  But  the  Legislature 
did  not  act  on  my  recommendation.  I  saw  afterwards 
a  statement  showing  that  one-half  this  direct  tax  had 
been  paid  by  the  sale  of  refugees'  lauds  in  the  lower- 
country. 


Provisional  Gove 

The  conversion  of  the  South  Carolina  Ubllegeinto  a 
University  was  a  measure  which  had  long  been  advo- 
cated in  the  Legislature,  and  before  the  Hoard  of  Trus- 
tees. Colonel  William  C.  Preston,  the  former  President 
of  the  College,  was  (strongly  in  favor  of  the  change,  and 
wrote  me  several  letters  on  the  subject  from  the  Virginia 
University.  I  urged  this  matter  on  the  Legislature  in 
my  first  message  to  that  body.  The  reasons  I  assigned 
for  the  change  were  too  strong  under  the  then  existing 
circumstances  to  be  resisted.  After  this  change  had 
been  made  I  was  very  anxious  to  have  the  Honorable 
R.  W.  Barnwell  elected  to  fill  one  of  the  chairs  in  the 
University.  He  was  then  living  at  Greenville  and  in 
great  want.  He  had  been  President  of  the  College,  and 
was  one  of  the  purest  and  best  men  I  ever  saw.  He  had 
distinguished  himself  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
and  in  the  Confederate  Senate.  He  had  consulted  me 
about  opening  a  school.  He  said  his  fortune  was  gone 
and  he  had  to  do  something  for  a  living.  I  then  sug- 
gested to  him  the  Presidency  of  the  College,  which  was 
then  vacant,  and  he  expresssd  himself  delighted  with 
the  idea.  When  the  Board  of  Trustees  were  going  into 
the  election  for  Professors  of  the  various  chairs,  I 
nominated  Mr.  Barnwell  for  the  chair  of  History,  &c. 
To  my  utter  surprise,  I  found  there  was  strong  objec- 
tion to  him.  Most  of  the  members  had  pledged  their 
support  to  Colonel  Haskell,  a  most  promising  and 
highly  intellectual  young  member  of  the  Legislature 
from  Abbeville.  He  was  one  of  my  aides  as  Provisional 
Governor,  and  I  had  the  highest  regard  for  him  as  a 
gentleman  and  scholar.  But  I  thought  Mr.  Barnwell 
would  give  more  reputation  to  the  University,  and  was 
better  known  throughout  the  State.  Mr.  Barnwell  was 
elected  and  has  been  in  the  University  ever  since,  per- 
forming all  his  duties  as  a  professor,  a  scholar,  a  Chris- 
tian and  a  gentleman. 


FAREWELL  SPEECH  OF  GOVERNOR  PERRY 


Legislature  of  South  Carolina  as  Provisional  Governor, 


DECEMBER,  1865. 


U 


PON  entering:  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, accompanied  by  the  Governor-elect,  where 
the  inaugural  ceremonies  took  place,  Provisional- 
Governor  B.  F.  Perry  said  : 


Senators  and  Members  of  the  House  of  Representatives: 

I  have  come  here  to-day  to  bid  yon  farewell,  as  Pro- 
visional Governor  of  South  Carolina,  and  to  congratu- 
late you  on  the  restoration  of  the  State,  once  more  to 
self-government  and  independence,  as  a,  member  of  the 
Federal  Union.  Like  the  leader  of  God's  chosen  people 
of  old,  I  have  had  the  honor  of  conducting  you  through 
the  wilderness,  within  sight  of  the  promised  land,  but 
am  not  permitted  to  enter  it.  That  great  boon  has 
been  reserved  for  my  distinguished  friend,  who  is  now 
about  to  be  inaugurated  as  the  first  Chief  Magistrate  of 
the  State  ever  elected  by  the  sovereign  people.  If  not 
within  "three  days,"  he  will  within  a,  very  short  time 
be  able  to  pass  you  over  the  confusion  and  military 
rule,  under  which  you  have  so  long  lived,  to  that  happy 
state  in  which  you  will  be  able  to  govern  yourselves, 
and  enjoy  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  free  and 
enlightened  people.  Under  his  wise  and  able  adminis- 
tration, I  hope  to  see  the  good  old  State  revive,  pros- 
per, and  be  once  more  happy. 

I  am  sure,  gentlemen,  that  I  may  say  with  perfect  pro- 


Farewell  Speech.  293 

priety,  as  the  representative  of  the  Federal  Government 
in  South  Carolina,  that  the  State  has  done  enough  to 
entitle  her  to  be  received  back  as  a  member  of  the  Fed- 
eral Union,  with  all  of  her  Constitutional  rights  fully 
restored.  She  was  foremost -in  assuming  the  post  of 
danger  in  the  recent  revolution,  and  in  her  appeal  to 
arms  in  defense  of  what  she  honestly  believed  to  be  her 
reserved  rights  as  a  State.  Gallantly  and  nobly  nel- 
sons fought  through  the  war,  pouring  out  their  blood 
and  sacrificing  their  lives  on  almost  every  battlefield 
throughout  the  Southern  States.  When  conquered  by 
overwhelming  numbers,  seeing  their  towns  and  villages 
nothing  but  smouldering  ruins,  their  beloved  State  a 
widespread  desolation,  their  wives,  and  sisters,  and 
little  children,  and  aged  parents  at  the  point  of  starva- 
tion, like  brave  men  they  accepted  the  decrees  of  God, 
and  submitted  themselves  to  the  dire  fortunes  of  war- 
Sad  and  silent,  with  manly  fortitude  and  firmness,  they 
awaited  the  terms  of  the  conqueror.  When  those  terms 
were  made  known,  they  were  first,  with  a  generous 
pride  and  high  chivalry,  to  assume  the  humiliation 
which  their  State  had  been  foremost  in  bringing  on  our 
common  country. 

As  soon  as  the  President's  Proclamation  was  issued, 
the  people  of  South  Carolina  went  cheerfully  forward 
and  took  the  amnesty  oath.  They  promptly  assembled 
in  Convention,  under  the  order  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernor, and  reformed  their  State  Constitution,  as  was 
desired  by  the  President.  They  abolished  slavery,  and 
freely  gave  up  their  two  hundred  millions  invested  in 
slaves.  When  advised  to  adopt  the  Congressional 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
abolishing  slavery.  South  Carolina  was  the  first  South- 
ern State  which  ratified  the  same,  and  set  an  example 
for  her  sister  States  to  follow.  She  has  been  first,  also, 
in  preparing  a  wise  and  humane  code  of  laws  for  the 
protection  of  the  freedmen  in  all  their  rights  of  personal 


294  Farewell  Speech. 

property,  and  allowing  them  to  give  testimony  in  her 
Courts  of  Justice.  She  has  now  elected  her  Representa- 
tives in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  commissioned 
them  to  take  their  seats  in  that  body.  SIir  has  organ- 
ized a  perfect  State  Government,  with  Legislative,  Exec- 
utive and  Judiciary  Departments,  all  republican  in  their 
character,  and  the  members  of  each  swearing  to  support 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Her  ordinances 
of  Secession  have  been  repealed,  and  she  now  pledges 
herself  to  stand  by  the  Union  in  good  faith,  and  with  all 
sincerity. 

Having  done  all  this,  you  and  your  State  ha  ve  done 
your  duty,  gracefully  and  faithfully,  as  becomes  a  gal- 
lant and  generous  people,  who  are  never  afraid  to 
assume  any  position  where  honor  and  patriotism 
prompt.  I  know  the  President  desires  to  relieve  you  of 
military  rule,  and  see  your  representatives  once  more 
seated  in  the  councils  of  the  nation.  I  cannot  believe 
that  Congress  will  exclude  them  by  a  test  oath,  which 
does  not  apply  to  members  of  Congress,  for  they  are  not 
officers  of  the  Federal  Government,  as  was  early  decided 
in  the  history  of  our  Government.  Nor  has  Congress 
any  power  to  impose  on  its  members  any  other  oath 
than  that  prescribed  in  the  Constitution.  To  admit  a 
contrary  doctrine,  would  enable  the  majority  in  Con- 
gress to  exclude  the  minority,  because  they  were  Demo- 
crats, or  States'  Rights  men,  or  professed  any  other 
principles  repugnant  to  the  creed  of  the  majority.  The 
Constitutional  oath  was  wisely  ordained,  and  excludes 
all  other  oaths.  The  powers  of  Congress  are  delegated 
and  specific,  and  they  have  no  others.  The  reason  for 
the  passage  of  this  test  oath  has  passed  away,  and  if 
not  repealed,  no  one  in  South  Carolina  can  fill  a  Federal 
office  till  a.  new  generation  has  sprung  up,  for  all  now 
living— men,  women  and  children— did,  in  some  way 
countenance  the  war. 

It  is  known  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  I  was  opposed  to 


Farewell  Speech.  395 

the  secession  of  South  Carolina.  No  man  in  America 
regretted  more  deeply  than  I  did  this  fatal  movement, 
for  I  thought  I  foresaw  all  the  evil  consequences  which 
have  resulted  from  it.  But,  when  the  issue  was  made 
my  feelings  of  sympathy  were  ail  with  my  native  State. 
And  yet,  I  conscientiously  believed  that  even  the  success 
of  the  Southern  States  would  be  disastrous.  The  jeal- 
ousies and  errors  of  the  Grecian  States  were  constantly 
in  my  mind.  Disintegration  once  commenced  in  aeon- 
federation  of  republics  no  one  could  foresee  where  it 
would  end,  except  in  petty  tyrannies,  or  a  consolidated 
military  despotism. 

Henceforth,  no  one  will  repudiate  the  farewell  advice 
of  Washington,  as  to  the  importance  and  perpetuity  of 
1  he  Federal  Union.  It  has  shown  a  power  and  strength, 
moral  and  physical,  which  defy  dissolution,  till  some 
extraordinary  change  has  taken  place  in  the  condition 
of  the  people.  The  tendency  of  civilization  is  to  enlarge 
governments,  and  not  to  disintegrate  them.  All  causes 
of  discontent  or  dissatisfaction  between  the  North  and 
the  South,  have  been  removed  by  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
The  different  sections  of  this  great  Republic  are  mutu- 
ally dependent  on  each  other,  and  the  one  cannot  live 
well  without  the'  others.  The  Southern  States  plant 
cotton,  and  the  Northern  States  manufacture  it.  The 
great  West  grows  grain,  and  raises  live  stock  for  the 
supply  of  both  sections.  We  all  speak  the  same  lan- 
guage, and  have  the  same  common  origin.  Our  opin- 
ions and  feelings  in  regard  to  the  republican  principles 
of  government  are  identical.  There  is,  too,  a  similarity 
in  our  pursuits  and  habits,  manners,  customs,  and 
religion  and  education. 

History  teaches  us  that  the  present  asperity  of  feeling 
which  may  exist  in  the  breasts  of  many,  in  consequence 
of  the  wrongs  and  injuries  of  the  war,  will  soon  wear 
out.  Brave  and  honorable  men  are  always  ready  and 
willing  to  become  reconciled.     Historv  teaches  us.  too, 


296  Farewell  Speech. 

that  the  ravages  of  war  are  much  more  easily  repaired 
than  one  is  apt  to  suppose.  An  industrious  and  enter- 
prising people  will  soon  restore  a  country  desolated  by 
war.  Such  a  people  may  soon  convert  a  wilderness  into 
productive  and  highly  improved  farms.  No  one  need 
despair  of  the  State.  In  a  few  years,  with  peace  and 
industry,  everything  will  change  and  wear  a  prosperous 
and  happy  aspect. 

You  have,  gentlemen,  in  your  legislative  capacity, 
arduous  and  responsible  duties  to  perform,  requiring 
great  prudence  and  forethought.  Your  finances  and 
banking  system,  now  prostrate,  have  to  be  restored; 
your  laws  have  to  be  amended  to  suit  the  changed  con- 
dition of  the  State;  your  militia  system,  now  more  im- 
portant than  ever,  requires  your  earliest  consideration  ; 
your  Judiciary  must  be  restored,  and  in  some  respects 
it  would  be  proper  to  make  improvements  in  the  sys- 
tem. But  I  am  trespassing  on  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Constitutional  Governor.  Henceforth,  all  of  my  com- 
munications, as  the  representative  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, must  be  made  through  him  and  to  him.  I 
hope  most  devoutly  that  I  may  have  none  to  make, 
except  one,  which  authorizes  me  to  say  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  recognizes  South  Carolina, 
once  more,  as  a  member  of  the  Federal  Union,  fully 
restored  to  all  of  her  Constitutional  rights. 

In  conclusion,  gentlemen,  let  me  return  you  my  most 
grateful  thanks  for  the  very  nattering  manner  in  which 
you  have  conferred  on  me  the  high  and  distinguished 
trust  of  representing  the  State  of  South  Carolina  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  And  let  me  assure  you 
that  all  my  energies  and  humble  talents  will  be  devoted 
to  the  promotion  of  the  best  interests  of  the  State,  her 
welfare  and  honor. 

I  bid  you  an  affectionate  adieu. 


HISTORY 

OF   THE 

Philadzlphia  National  Union  Convention  in  1866, 

Written  by  ex-Governor  B.  F.  Perry  in  1872. 


II  STARTED  about  the  first  of  August,  1866,  to  attend 
the  Philadelphia  National  Union  Convention.  At 
Helton  I  met  Governor  Orr  and  General  Harrison.  We 
were  joined  by  Judge  Ward  law  and  General  McGowan 
at  Cokesbury.  In  Columbia  we  were  detained  all  one 
day,  and  I  went  to  see  my  friends,  the  Honorable 
Robert  Barnwell  and  Mrs.  John  LeConte.  Mr.  Barn- 
well gave  me  a  great  deal  of  prudent  advice  relative  to 
the  course  to  be  pursued  by  the  Southern  delegates  in 
the  Convention.  He  thought  we  ought  to  be  entirely 
passive  and  simply  acquiesce  in  what  was  done.  We 
ought  not  to  speak  unless  it  was  to  represent  the  condi- 
tion of  the  South  and  the  feelings  of  the  Southern 
people.  Prominence  should  be  given  to  the  Republicans 
in  everything,  and  the  Democrats  keep  in  the  back- 
ground. 

At  Chester  we  were  gratified  with  meeting  Judge 
Dawkins  and  his  lady,  and  also  his  brother,  Judge 
Dawkins,  of  Florida,  and  Colonel  Farrow,  of  Spartan- 
burg. We  had  a  bountiful  supply  of  provisions  and 
something  to  drink.  Our  journey  to  Richmond  was 
very  pleasant.  There  the  omnibus  carried  us,  against 
understanding  and  earnest  protestations,  to  the  Ex- 
change Hotel,  instead  of  the  Spotswood.  In  order  to 
show  our  independence,  and  that  we  were  not  to  be 
carried  where  the  omnibus  driver  saw  proper  to  land  us, 
we  all  determined  to  walk  on  to  the  Spotswood  Hotel. 


298  National  Union  Convention. 

where  we  were  handsomely  entertainded  till  we  took 
the  night  train  for  Washington.  We  arrived  there 
about  daylight,  and  stopped  at  Willard's.  After  going 
to  headquarters  of  the  Johnson  Club  to  enroll  our 
names  as  members  of  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  we 
went  to  call  on  the  President.  His  ante  or  reception 
room  was  full,  arid  we  had  to  wait  several  hours  before 
getting  an  audience.  In  the  meantime,  we  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  a  great  many  delegates  from  the  North- 
west, who  were  waiting,  like  ourselves,  to  see  President 
Johnson.  When  we  were  ushered  into  the  presence  of 
His  Excellency,  he  made  us  a  short  speech;  told  us  he 
was  very  hopeful  of  the  convention,  and  that  it  was  the 
most  important  convention  which  had  assembled  since 
the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  The  Presi- 
dent was  looking  remarkably  well,  and  seemed  in  good 
spirits.  I  thought  he  had  improved  in  every  respect 
since  I  last  saw  him— his  appearance  giving  the  lie  to 
all  the  slanders  about  his  drinking.  He  is  indeed  a  very 
wonderful  man. 

In  the  evening  we  took  the  train  for  Philadelphia,  and 
had  a  very  unpleasant  ride  in  old  cars  filled  to  suffica- 
tion  with  delegates.  All  the  way  I  heard  the  inquiry 
made  whether  Vallandigham  would  be  permitted  to 
take  his  seat  in  the  convention?  This  surprised  me  very 
much.  I  thought  all  would  be  willing  to  receive  anyone 
who  could  give  strength  or  bring  influence  to  the  con- 
vention. T  said,  if  Vallandigham  was  to  be  excluded 
on  account  of  his  Southern  sympathies  during  the  war, 
all  the  delegates  from  the  Southern  Sfates  ought  like- 
wise to  be  excluded.  There  was  certainly  more  pro- 
priety in  rejecting  a  rebel,  than  a  mere  sympathizer  with 
rebels.  We  arrived  in  the  city  about  midnight  and  took 
lodgings  at  the  Continental  Hotel.  I  had  telegraphed 
from  Columbia  to  reserve  rooms  for  us.  Thinking  from 
the  high  sounding  titles  affixed  to  our  names,  that  we 
were  all  gentlemen  of  fortunes,  the  hotel  keeper  had  re- 


National,  Union  Convention.  299 

served  a  magnificent  private  parlor  adjacent  to  our 
sleeping  apartments  for  us  to  receive  our  company  in, 
and  for  which  he  charged  us  a  round  sum  when  our  bills 
were  footed  up.  A  great  many  delegates  and  friends 
did,  however,  pay  us  the  honor  of  calling  to  see  us  the 
next  day,  which  was  Sunday. 

In  the  evening,  Governor  Orr  was  deputed  by  some  of 
his  Western  friends  to  call  on  Mr.  Valla ndigham  and 
urge  on  him  the  propriety  of  his  not  taking  his  seat  in 
the  convention.  .  The  Governor  requested  me  to  accom- 
pany him,  which  I  did;  but  at  the  same  time,  express- 
ing myself  decidedly  hostile  to  the  object  of  his  mission. 
I  thought  it  a  p-eat  oatrage  for  such  a  proposition  to 
be  made  by  a  Southern  man.  We  found  Mr.  Vail  an  dig- 
ham  in  the  midst  of  a  large  circle  of  friends,  who  had 
called  at  his  room  to  see  him.  After  chatting  awhile,  he 
requested  us  to  walk  into  another  room,  where  Gov- 
ernor Orr  briefly  stated  the  object  of  his  visit.  He  told 
Mr.  Vallandigham  that  his  withdrawal,  for  the  sake  of 
harmony,  would  redound  to  his  popularity,  and  be  ap- 
preciated by  himself  and  foes.  In  reply,  Vallandigham 
spoke  for  about  an  hour  most  admirably,  eloquently 
and  feelingly.  He  said  the  opposition  to  his  taking  his 
seat,  came  from  men  who  had  grieviously  injured  him, 
and  never  could  forgive  him,  although  he  had  never 
harmed  one  of  them.  It  was  easier  for  an  injured  man 
to  forgive  an  injury,  than  for  the  one  inflicting  the 
injury  to  forget  it.  He  said  his  voluntary  with- 
drawal from  the  convention  would  be  a  confession 
of  infamy  on  his  part— that  it  would  be  an  acknowl- 
edgement that  his  antecedents  had  been  such  as  to  ren- 
der him  unworthy  of  a  seat  with  honorable  and  patri- 
otic men.  Moreover,  he  had  been  appointed  by  his 
constituents  to  represent  them,  and  it  would  be  an  un- 
worthy abandonment  of  his  trust.  If  he  was  excluded 
for  sympathizing  with  the  South,  how  could  Southern 
delegates  be  allowed  to  take  their  seats?  He  spoke  of 


800  National  Union  Convention. 

his  exile  and  persecution  during  the  war,  and  the  course 
he  had  pursued.  He  said  for  two  years  his  family  were 
prisoners  in  thier  own  house.  His  little  son  was  threatened 
with  assassination  if  he  appeared  in  the  streets.  His 
wife  never  left  her  house  except  by  a  back  street,  to  see 
her  niece.  He  told  us  that  he  would  have  been  elected 
Governor  of  Ohio  whilst  he  was  in  exile,  but  for  the  in- 
vasion of  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  by  the  Confederate 
armies.  President  Davis  had  sent  two  gentlemen  to  see 
him,  and  one  was  a  South  Carolinian.  He  disclosed  his 
plans  to  these  gentlemen,  and  urged  President  Davis  to 
make  terms  with  the  Federal  Government  whilst  he  had 
the  power  of  doing  so.  That  it  was  impossible  ever  to 
establish  Southern  independence.  That  the  Democratic 
party  North  never  would  consent  to  disunion.  That  in 
all  his  intercourse  with  them,  he  had  only  seen  six  men 
who  were  willing  to  have  peace  on  terms  of  separation. 
He  said  notwithstanding  this  determination,  they  ex- 
ulted in  every  Southern  victory,  under  the  belief  that 
the  Federals  would  quit  fighting  if  beaten  back  and 
make  peace,  and  that  peace  would  restore  the  Union. 

Mr.  Valla ndighain  said,  with  great  correctness  and 
emphasis,  that  if  Johnson  did  not  carry  the  Northern 
election  that  Fall,  the  whole  country  stood  in  danger  of 
being  defeated  by  a,  terrible  civil  war.  He  explained 
how  it  would  be  brought  about.  If  the  Radicals  were 
successful  in  the  elections  that  Fall,  they  would  impeach 
President  Johnson,  and  attempt  to  revolutionize  the 
Government.  If  they  still  kept  the  Southern  States  out 
of  the  Union,  and  excluded  their  votes  in  the  next  Presi- 
dential election,  we  should  have  two  Presidents,  two 
Congresses  and  civil  war.  He  was  very  confident  of  car- 
rying Ohio  that  Fall,  but  spoke  contemptuously  of  the 
strength  to  be  gained  from  the  Republican  ranks  by 
any  proposed  coalition  with  that  party.  He  said  the 
accession  from  that  party  would  not  be  enough  to  fill 
the  offices  of  the  State. 


National  Union  Convention.  301 

In  the  course  of  his  very  interesting  remarks,  he  said 
if  President  Johnson  had  broke  with  the  Radicals  when 
Congress  assembled,  he  would  have  carried  one-half  of 
the  body  with  him.  If  he  had  broke  with  them  when 
he  vetoed  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  he  could  have  carried 
one-third  of  the  party,  but  now  he  would  carry  none 
with  him.  When  he  heard  of  Lincoln's  death,  he 
thought  and  said  that  Johnson  would  be  the  salvation 
of  the  country.  Lincoln  was  a  cunning,  unprincipled 
joker,  promising  everything  to  everybody,  and  utterly 
regardless  of  his  promises.  Johnson  was  a  man  of  firm- 
ness and  principle — a  Democrat  and  a  Southern  man. 
This  was  a  great  improvement  on  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Yallandigham  was  utterly  opposed  to  breaking 
up  the  Democratic  party,  and  expected  yet  to  see  them 
governing  the  country.  He  said  he  received  more  votes 
for  Governor  of  Ohio  than  any  candidate  ever  did  be- 
fore, and  yet  he  was  beaten  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  votes.  The  whole  army,  from  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut  and  other  States,  was  allowed  to  vote 
against  him.  Some  of  the  soldiers  boasted  that  they 
voted  five  times  at  the  election. 

I  saw  that  he  was  determined  to  take  his  seat  in  the 
convention,  and  I  said  to  him,  let  your  determination 
be  known  at  once.  The  opposition  will  grow  till  your 
decision  is  known.  I  was  anxious  that  he  should  take 
his  seat,  and  thought  it  impolitic  and  cruel  to  exclude 
him.  Governor  Orr  was  in  favor  of  excluding  him,  as 
he  thought  it  would  break  up  the  convention  if  he  went 
into  it.  When  the  Governor  found  that  the  South  Car- 
olina delegation  would  not  vote  to  exclude  him,  he  pro- 
posed that  we  should  not  vote  at  all.  This  I  vehemently 
opposed.  Judge  Dawkinsand  several  other  South  Caro- 
lina delegates  favored  this  proposition.  I  said  it  was 
unmanly,  impolitic  and  ungrateful  in  the  South,  to  pur- 
sue such  a  course  towards  a  man  who  had  made  such 
sacrifices,  and  suffered  so  much  for  the  South  and  in  the 


302  National  Union  Convention. 

cause  of  constitutional  liberty.  I  became  excited,  and 
with  great  earnestness,  declared  that  sooner  than  see 
Vallandigham  treated  so  unjustly,  the  convention 
might  break  up  and  go  to  perdition.  There  was  a  per- 
son in  the  room  at  the  time  who  seemed  greatly  shocked 
at  my  expression.  The  next  morning  he  said  to  a  friend 
of  mine,  that  he  had  traveled  with  me  three  or  four 
days,  and  thought,  from  my  sedate  appearance,  that  I 
was  a  member  of  the  church,  and  that  my  denunciation 
fell  on  his  ears  like  a  clap  of  thunder  in  clear  sun- 
shine. 

I  was  very  much  impressed  with  Vallandigham 's  abil- 
ity, firmness  and  patriotism.  He  was  a  great  man  and 
talked  like  a  man  of  genius.  He  looked  better  than  he 
did  when  T  first  saw  him  in  the  Charleston  Convention 
in  1860.  Governor  Orr  said  he  was  ambitious,  selfish 
and  egotistic.  These  are  very  apt  to  be  the  qualities  of 
a  politician,  and  even  of  a  great  statesman.  Mr.  Cal- 
houn had  his  full  share  of  them.  Cicero  was  the  prince 
of  egotists,  and  so  was  Demosthenes.  In  1859  or  1860, 
before  I  had  ever  seen  Vallandigham,  I  was  so  much 
pleased  with  one  of  his  speeches  in  Congress,  that  I 
wrote  to  our  member  of  Congress,  Colonel  Ash  more, 
to  present  my  grateful  thanks  to  him  for  his  nobleeffort 
in  favor  of  the  South  and  constitutional  liberty,  and 
that  it  was  the  speech  of  a  gentleman,  a  patriot  and 
a  statesman.  Mr.  Vallandigham  was  so  much  pleased 
with  the  compliment,  that  he  begged  the  letter  of  Col- 
onel Ashmore  to  send  his  wife.  Poor  Vallandigham! 
how  deeply  I  mourned  his  untimely  and  sad  death! 

Monday  morning,  Governor  Manning,  Judge  Moses, 
Colonel  Thomas  Y.  Simmons,  Colonel  Campbell,  Mr. 
Shingler,  and  other  delegates  from  South  Carolina,  ar- 
rived. From  my  memoranda,  it  seems  the  convention 
did  not  meet  till  Tuesday.  Our  parlor  was  filled  with 
visitors  all  day,  and  till  a  late  hour  at  night.  Tuesday 
morning  the  Massachusetts  delegation  called  in  a  body 


National  Union  Convention.  303 

to  pay  their  respects  to  the  South  Carolina  delegation. 
They  were  very  cordial  and  kind,  and  really  seemed  to 
feel  as  if  they  were  greeting  old  friends.  '  They  were  all 
Democrats,  who  had  been  persecuted  for  their  sympa- 
thy with  the  South,  and  they  had  a  right  to  expect  a 
cordial  welcome  from  us.  We  gave  it  most  gratefully 
and  cheerfully.  They  proposed  that  we  should  go  up 
to  the  convention  together.  When  we  got  there  Mr. 
Spofford,  a,  Massachusetts  delegate,  and  a  most  charm- 
ing gentleman,  suggested  that  we  two  delegations 
should  go  into  the  convention  arm-in-arm.  It  was  so 
aiuiouiee]  fro  n  tha  stau  1  by  Governor  Rindall.  The 
convention  rose  and  cheered  us  most  vociferously,  and 
made  us  march  round  the  room,  so  that  all  could  see 
the  harmonious  and  affectionate  spectacle.  Immediately 
this  was  telegraphed  to  President  Johnson,  and  it  af- 
fected him  to  tears  of  joy!  The  effect  was  most  happy 
on  the  convention  and  throughout  the  country. 

O.i  taking  tie  chair,  General  Dix,  of  New  York,  made 
a  most  admirable  address  to  the  convention.  How 
little  did  we  then  expect  to  see  him, after  delivering  such 
a  patriotic  speech,  go  over  to  the  Republican  party, 
within  a  few  years,  and  become  their  renegade  candi- 
date for  Governor  of  New  York.  How  true  it  is,  that 
most  politicians  are  mere  gamblers,  playing  for  success, 
without  any  regard  to  the  interest  of  their  country, 
and  with  as  little  principle  as  the  veriest  black-leg. 
Senator  Doolittle  was  appointed  President  of  the  con- 
vention, and  made  a  most  happy,  appropriate  and 
patriotic  address.  The  wigwam  in  which  we  were 
assembled  was  a  huge  building,  gotten  up  for  the  occa- 
sion, and  could  accommodate  ten  thousand  persons. 
It  was  constructed  of  rough  plank  and  badly  covered. 
The  rain  began  to  fall  pretty  heavy,  and  the  ladies 
found  their  situation  anything  but  pleasant. 

In  the  evening,  Governor  Orr,  General  McGowan  and 
myself  were  invited  by  Governor  Bigler    to  dine  with 


304  National  Union  Convention. 

Major  James.  Mr.  Clymer,  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  and  others  were  present. 
The  Major  insisted  that  I  should  come  and  stay  with 
him,  and  bring  a  friend  with  me.  He  said  he  had  two 
rooms  ready  for  us.  But  I  declined  his  hospitality,  as 
I  was  unwilling  to  leave  the  very  pleasant  company  at 
the  hotel  That  night  I  was  invited  to  make  a  speech 
in  the  room  of  the  National  Union  Club.  There  were 
fifteen  hundred  persons  present,  and  never  before  had  1 
addressed  so  enthusiastic  an  audience.  I  was  followed 
by  Mr.  Perrin,  of  New  York,  in  one  of  the  most  humor- 
ous speeches  I  ever  listened  to.  Mr.  Cleveland,  of  Hart- 
ford, then  addressed  the  meeting,  and  we  adjourned. 

Wednesday  the  South  Carolina  delegation  went  to 
return  the  visit  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates.  We 
were  met  most  cordially,  and  treated  to  champagne  in 
great  abundance.  Major  General  Custer  said  to  Gen- 
eral McGowan  :  "We  were  looking  at  each  other  in  Vir- 
ginia three  or  four  years  at  a  distance,  and  I  am  now 
happy  to  take  a  nearer  view  of  you."  In  going  to  the 
wigwam,  Judge  Wardlaw  was  robbed  of  his  pocket 
book,  containing  five  hundred  dollars,  and  Colonel 
Campbell  of  his  diamond  breast-pin  of  great  value. 

I  was  appointed  on  the  Committee  of  Address  and 
Resolutions,  which  assembled  that  evening  at  the  Con- 
tinental hotel,  sixty  or  seventy  in  number,  and  ap- 
pointed a  sub-committee  to  consider  the  matters  referred 
to  them  and  report.  I  was  on  this  sub-committee,  and 
had  a  long  sitting.  Mr.  Raymond,  of  New  York,  had 
prepared  an  address,  which  was  read,  and  about  one- 
third  the  historical  part  was  [stricken  out.  In  every 
instance  where  a  Southern  delegate  proposed  an  altera- 
tion, it  was  agreed  to. 

Thursday  the  convention  met  and  received  the  ad- 
dress and  resolutions.  They  were  adopted  amid  great 
cheering.  The  whole  convention  rose  to  their  feet,  and 
the  galleries  did  the  same.    The  ladies  waved  their  white 


National  Union  Convention.  305 

handkerchiefs,  and  clapped  their  little  hands,  with  lovely 
faces  wreathed  in  smiles.  The  picture,  or  photograph, 
of  the  convention  at  this  period  would  have  been  beau- 
tiful indeed.  The  ladies  and  gentlemen  sitting  or  stand- 
ing close  together  in  the  galleries,  presented  a  beautiful 
appearance,  and  looked  like  mosaic  work,  with  different 
colors  of  dresses,  bonnets,  faces,  &c,  &c. 

Friday  evening  the  South  Carolina  delegation  were 
invited  by  the  Mayor  of  the  city  to  dine  with  him  and  a 
few  friends.  Mr.  McMikell  and  seven  gentlemen  sub- 
scribed one  thousand  dollars  to  furnish  the  dinner.  It 
was  altogether  the  most  magnificent  dinner  I  had  ever 
sat  down  to.  It  was  said  that  the  mayor,  McMikell 
and  his  seven  friends  were  worth  eight  millions  of  dol- 
lars. They  were  all  black  Republicans  of  the  deepest 
dye.  Their  hospitality  surprised  every  one.  General 
McCook,  of  Ohio,  said  to  me,  he  could  excuse  our  going 
into  the  Convention  arm  in  arm  with  the  Massachusetts 
delegation,  for  they  were  Democrats,  but  our  dining 
with  the  black  Republican  Mayor  of  Philadelphia  and 
his  friends,  was  too  bad !  It  was  understood  that  no 
politics  were  to  be  talked,  but  we  all  made  political 
speeches,  and  they  were  received  most  cordially.  The 
Mayor  said  to  Colonel  Campbell  and  myself,  that  he 
begged  us  to  understand  that  in  opposing  President 
Johnson,  who  had  deserted  them  and  the  Republican 
party  North,  they  were  not  opposing  the  South.  He 
wished  the  South  restored  to  the  Union.  This  was  said 
on  taking  leave  of  him. 

Saturday  we  were  invited  to  dine  with  Joshua  Francis 
Fisher,  Esq.,  ten  or  twelve  miles  in  the  country,  who 
married  the  youngest  daughter  of  my  old  friend,  Gov- 
ernor Henry  Middleton,  of  South  Carolina.  Mr.  Fisher 
was  the  grand-nephew  of  Sir  Philip  Francis,  the  sup- 
posed writer  of  Junius  Letters.  In  starting  to  Mr. 
Fisher's,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  General  Meade 
at  the  railroad  depot.    He  was  shabbily  dressed,  and  I 


306  National  Union  Convention. 

did  not  at  first  recognize  him.  When  I  met  him  in  Co- 
lumbia, be  was  in  full  uniform,  and  looked  tbe  hero  and 
high-bred  gentleman,  I  never  before  was  so  forcibly 
struck  with  the  effect  of  dress.  General  Meade  rode 
with  us  till  we  stopped  to  go  to  Mr.  Fisher's.  The 
South  Carolinians  whom  I  introduced  to  him  were  very 
much  pleased  with  him. 

Mr.  Fisher  lived  like  an  English  nobleman,  in  a  mag- 
nificent house,  with  all  the  improvement,  culture  and 
refinement  which  taste  and  wealth  could  suggest.  His 
residence  is  filled  with  the  most  beautiful  statuary  and 
paintings,  with  rare  books  and  curiosities,  etruscan 
relics,  &c,  &c.  I  stayed  with  him  till  Monday  morning, 
and  went  to  church  with  him  and  Mrs.  Fisher  on  Sun- 
day to  hear  the  brother  of  President  Buchanan  preach. 
He  was  the  pastor  of  the  Episcopal  church,  and  gave 
us  a  very  fine  sermon.  After  service  I  was  presented  to 
him  by  Mr.  Fisher,  and  had  the  pleasure  of  a  short  con- 
versation with  him.  The  country  is  in  the  highest  state 
of  improvement  around  Philadelphia,  The  farms  are 
gardens,  and  cultivated  as  gardens. 

Monday  morning  I  returned  to  the  city,  and  found 
Judge  Wardlaw  and  General  McGowan,  with  an  invita- 
tion for  me  to  take  up  my  abode  at  Mrs.  Flemmimr's. 
where  they  were  kindly  and  most  elegantly  entertained 
by  their  old  friend,  who  was  formerly  a  citizen  of  South 
Carolina,  and  a  lady  of  great  fortune.  I  cannot  close 
these  reminiscences  without  mentioning  a  lady  whose 
acquaintance  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  make,  Mrs. 
Reed,  the  wife  of  Colonel  Reed,  a  delegate  from  Georgia, 
and  the  daughter  of  Judge  Nesbit,  of  Georgia,,  and  the 
cousin  of  my  old  friend,  Henry  Young,  Esq.,  of  Laurens, 
S.  C.  She  was  a  most  beautiful,  accomplished  and 
charming  lady,  and  added  greatly  to  the  interest  of  our 
Southern  party  at  the  Continental  Hotel.  It  is  sad  to 
think  how  many  pleasant  and  agreeable  acquaintances 
we  make  in  traveling,  whom  it  is  not  our  good  fortune 


National  Union  Convention.  307 

ever  to  meet  again  in  life!  Perhaps  never  hear  of  again  ! 
This  Philadelphia  Convention  which  promised  so 
much,  ended  in  nothing.  The  Republicans  who  met  us, 
and  acted  with  us,  soon  returned  to  their  old  party! 
and  forgot  their  new  allies.  Mr.  Raymond,  who  drew 
the  very  able  and  patriotic  address  adopted  by  the 
convention,  became  as  much  of  a  Republican  partisan 
as  he  was  before  he  went  to  the  great  National  Union 
Convention  of  Philadelphia. 


WHO  FREED  THE  SLAVES. 
A  TRENCHANT  LETTER  OF  EX-GOVERNOR  PERRY. 


RE-PUBLISHED  IN   1888. 


[From  the  Charleston  News  and  Conner.] 

HE  following  letter  of  ex-Governor  Perry,  written 
in  1876,  is  republished,  by  request,  as  having 
special  value  at  this  time  as  an  exposure  of  the  rank  sel- 
fishness and  hypocrisy  of  the  Republican  party  in  their 
treatment  of  the  colored  people : 

Greenville,  S.'C,  Sept.  15,  1876. 

To  His  Excellency,  Governor  Chamberlain— Sir :  With 
all  due  deference  to  the  high  office  which  you  at  this 
time  fill  in  South  Carolina,  I  shall  reply  to  some  of  your 
statements  in  your  campaign  speeches,  as  reported  in 
the  newspapers. 

The  colored  people  have  been  told  over  and  again  by 
their  unprincipled  leaders  that  if  they  voted  for  the 
Democratic  party  they  would  be  thrown  back  into 
slavery  again,  and  all  their  political  rights  taken  from 
them.  I  do  not  charge  you,  sir,  with  having  uttered  so 
flagrant  a  falsehood,  but  you  did  say,  at  Lancaster, 
Marlboro  and  other  places,  that  the  Republican  party 
set  the  Negroes  free,  and  they  ought  to,  in  gratitude  for 
their  freedom,  stand  by  and  support  that  party.  Now, 
sir,  this  assertion,  in  point  of  fact,  is  not  true,  and  as  a 
lawTyer  you  knew  it  was  not  true. 

The  State  Convention  of  South  Carolina,  representing 
all  the  slave-holders  of  the  State,  did  almost  unani- 
mously, in  1865,  abolish  slavery,  and  declare  in  their 
Constitution  that  it  should  never  exist  again  in  the 
State.  The  Legislature  of  South  Carolina  soon  after- 
wards adopted  the  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitu- 


Who  Freed  the  Slaves.  :}()<) 

tion,  declaring-  that  slavery  should  never  again  exist  in 
the  United  States.  In  this  way,  and  in  no  other,  was 
slavery  abolished  in  South  Carolina. 

You  know  very  well,  sir,  as  a  constitutional  lawyer, 
that  neither  the  President  by  a  proclamation,  nor  Con- 
gress, by  legislation,  had  any  right  or  authority,  under 
the  Federal  Constitution,  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
States.  Xo  one  would  have  dared  assume  sueh  a  prop- 
osition before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
Hence  it  was  urged  by  the  authorities  at  Washington, 
knowing  that  President  Lincoln's  proclamation  eman- 
cipating the  slaves  was  mere  brutern  fulmen,  that  the 
States  themselves  in  conventions  should  abolish  slavery 
and  accept  the  amendments  to  the  Federal  Constitution 
declaring  that  it  should  never  exist  again  in  the  United 
States. 

Now  let  us  analyze  this  great  interest  and  tender 
regard  which  you  say  the  Republican  party  have  had 
and  will  have  for  the  colored  people.  We  will  find  it 
exists  solely,  and  ever  has,  in  the  advancement  of  their 
own  interest  and  their  noted  jealousy  of  the  Southern 
people.  The  African  slave-trade  was  introduced  by 
them,  solely  for  gain,  and  thousands  of  them  made  for- 
tunes by  it.  Vessels  were  fitted  out  in  all  their  ports, 
and  sent  to  Africa  to  kidnap  the  poor  Negro  and  sell 
him  as  a  slave  to  the  Southern  planters.  Was  there  any 
kindness  in  this  to  the  colored  people? 

They  owned  slaves  themselves  and  kept  them  till  the 
population  of  the  Northern  States  became  so  dense  that 
slave  labor  was  no  longer  profitable.  Then  they  sent  a 
many  of  their  slaves  South  as  they  could  and  sold  them. 
Ultimately  their  own  interest  prompted  them  to  abolish 
slavery  in  their  several  States.  Was  there  any  tender 
regard  for  the  colored  race  in  all  this  conduct? 

They  said  that  by  the  cultivation  of  rice  and  cotton 
in  the  Southern  States  with  slave  labor  these  States 
surpassed   them   in    prosperity    and    wealth,     and   had 


•310  Who  Freed  the  Slaves. 

control  of  the  Federal  Government.  This  excited  their 
jealousy  and  hatred,  and  under  the  pretence  of  philan- 
throphy  and  humanity  they  commenced  their  abolition 
movement  for  the  purpose  of  consolidating  the  non- 
slave-holding  States,  and  wresting  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment from  their  hands.  Was  this  kindness  to  the 
Negro,  or  selfish  ambition  and  hatred  on  the  part  of  the 
Republicans?  The  Northern  Democrats  had  no  sympa- 
thy in  this  movement,  and  denounced  it  as  fiercely  as 
we  (iid  at  the  South. 

The  colored  people  have  been  told  a  thousand  times, 
and  perhaps  by  you,  that  the  civil  war  was  carried  on 
for  their  emancipation,  that  all  the  fraternal  blood  shed 
in  this  contest,  and  all  the  lives  that  were  sacrificed,  and 
all  the  thousand  millions  of  dollars  expended,  were  to 
set  them  free ;  when  history  informs  us  that  after  the 
war  had  continued  for  a  length  of  time,  Congress  de- 
clared almost  unanimously  that  this  bloody  war  was 
only  to  restore  the  Union  as  it  was  before  the  war,  with 
slavery  as  a  necessary  consequence.  Did  this  show  any 
regard  for  the  poor  slave?  Wrere  his  interests  or  his 
lights  at  all  considered?  They  did  nothing  for  them. 
All  they  wanted,  all  they  were  fighting  for,  was  the 
restoration  of  the  Union. 

When  the  slaves  of  Maryland  fled  from  their  masters 
and  went  into  General  B.  F.  Butler's  camp  for  protec- 
tion, he  sent  them  back  to  their  owners.  How  much 
regard  was  there  in  this  for  the  freedom  of  the  slave? 
It  was  thought  at  that  time  that  any  interference  with 
slavery  would  defeat  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  for 
which  alone  they  were  fighting.  They  cared  nothing  for 
emancipation.  It  was  not  then  in  their  war  pro- 
gramme. 

Again,  when  a  number  of  colored  troops  tendered 
their  services  to  the  Government  President  Lincoln 
refused  to  receive  them.  Ele  told  them  that  they  be- 
longed to  a  different  race,  and  could  not,  with  propriety 


Who  Freed  the  Slaves.  31 1 

be  incorporated  into  the  army.   This  was  showing  preat 

respect  for  the  colored  people.  The  hope  had  not  then 
been  given  up  of  restoring  the  Union  as  it  was  before 
the  war,  with  slavery  in  full  blast. 

In  the  course  of  time,  as  the  civil  war  progressed,  the 
Republican  party  saw  that  there  was  no  hope  of  bring- 
ing the  Southern  States  back  into  the  Union  except  by 
conquest  and  subjugation.  Then  for  the  first  time  their 
kindness  and  consideration  for  the  Negro  began  to  show 
itself.  President  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation,  declar- 
ing the  slaves  free  in  all  the  States  that  did  not  lay 
down  their  arms  and  come  back  into  the  Union.  This 
proclamation  showed  that  they  cared  nothing  for  the 
slave  or  his  interest,  but  only  as  a  power  to  preserve 
the  Union,  for  which  alone  the  war  was  commenced. 
They  were  willing  for  him  to  continue  a  slave  if  this 
would  end  the  war!  Giving  up  all  hope  of  restoring  the 
Union  by  consent  of  the  Southern  States,  they  began  to 
think  how  best  they  could  conquer  and  destroy  the 
South.  Then  the  idea  came  into  their  mind  of  enlisting 
the  Negro  in  their  army,  and  by  that  means  increase 
their  forces,  and  greatly  weaken  the  defence  of  the 
Southern  States.  Was  there  any  love  for  the  colored 
people  in  making  them  soldiers?  Putting  them  as  they 
did  in  the  front  of  battle?  They  thought  only  of  their 
own  interest  and  their  own  success  through  the 
slaughter  of  the  colored  troops ! 

When  the  war  was  over  and  the  conquest  of  the 
Southern  States  was  accomplished,  they  did  not  think 
of  giving  the  right  of  suffrage  to  the  colored  people. 
Governor  Morton  expressed  the  views  of  the  Republican 
party  when  he  declared  himself  opposed  to  this  exten- 
sion of  the  right  of  suffrage.  President  Johnson,  when 
he  gave  me  my  instructions  as  Provisional  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  directed  me  to  confine  the  right  of  suf- 
frage to  white  persons  who  had  taken  the  oath  of  al- 
legiance.    He  did  not  include  a  single  colored  man   in 


312  Who  Freed  the  Slaves. 

South  Carolina.  And  so  it  was  in  all  the  Southern 
States.  I,  myself,  thought  that  colored  men  who  could 
read  and  write  and  paid  a  tax  on  live  hundred  dollars" 
worth  of  property  should  be  allowed  to  vote.  The  Re- 
publican authorities  at  Washington  thought  differently 
at  that  time.  But  a  sudden  change  came  over  them 
when  they  found  that  all  the  Southern  States  had  gone 
Democratic,  and  elected  Democratic  Governors,  mem- 
bers of  Congress  and  Senators.  They  then  determined 
to  enfranchise  the  Negroes  and  disfranchise  the  white 
people  in  order  to  give  all  the  Southern  States  to  the 
Republican  party.  Was  there  any  regard  for  the  col- 
ored people  in  all  this?  Was  it  not  their  own  interest 
and  their  own  party  purposes  which  prompted  them  to 
bestow  this  boon  on  the  Negro  ?  They  required  five  yea  rs' 
residence  before  a  foreigner  was  allowed  to  vote.  This 
was  to  enable  him  to  become  acquainted  with  our  laws, 
our  constitution  and  form  of  government.  He  had  like- 
wise to  produce  in  court  a  certificate  of  good  moral 
character.  How  different  was  their  conduct  all  at  once 
towards  the  colored  people  when  they  adopted  the  idea 
of  controlling  the  Southern  States  by  means  of  the 
freed  man.  Without  any  preparation,  or  education,  or 
certificate  of  moral  character,  the  whole  of  the  freed  men 
were  declared  citizens,  with  the  right  of  suffrage. 

This  is  the  pretended  sympathy  of  the  Republican 
party  for  the  Negro.  It  is  false  in  every  particular. 
They  never  had  any  sympathy  for  him  except  where 
their  interest  prompted  them  to  have. 

They  were  in  the  first  place  actuated  by  a  base  and 
sordid  interest  in  sending  their  vessels  to  Africa  and 
selling  him  as  a  slave. 

They  were  actuated  by  their  own  interest,  when  after 
finding  that  his  labor  was  no  longer  profitable,  they  set 
him  free. 

They  consulted  their  own  interest,  and  not  the  inter- 
est of  the  Negro,  when  they  took  him  into  their  armies 


Who  Freed  the  Slaves.  313 

and  declared  that  the  Southern  States  should  not  be  re- 
stored to  the  Union  till  he  was  set  free. 

They  were  actuated  by  the  same  motive  when  they 
gave  him  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  they  are  now  actu- 
ated by  the  same  principles  and  the  same  feelings  when 
they  tell  the  colored  people  to  vote  for  the  carpet- 
baggers and  scalawags  who  represent  the  Republican 
party  in  the  Southern  States. 

Your  excellency  knows  full  well  the  corruption  of  your 
Republican  party  in  South  Carolina.  You,  yourself, 
have  denounced  it  and  tried  to  repress  it.  The  Legisla- 
ture have  elected  men  so  infamous  to  seats  on  the 
Bench  that  you  have  refused  to  commission  them. 
Time  and  again  you  have  vetoed  their  fraudulent  bills 
and  tried  to  stop  their  roguery  and  plunder.  Why. 
then,  do  you  ask  the  ignorant  and  credulous  Negro  to 
sustain  these  rogues  and  plunderers  whom  you  have 
thus  boldly  denounced?  Why,  such  men  as  Moses,  VVhip- 
per,  Bowen  and  Neagle,  Leslie  and  Whittemore  and  their 
satellites,  are  the  Republican  party  in  South  Carolina. 
The  great  masses  of  the  colored  people  are  too  ignorant 
to  understand  the  political  principles  of  any  party,  and 
they  have  been  led  astray  and  turned  against  their 
Democratic  friends,  with  whom  they  were  born  and 
raised,  by  just  such  speeches  as  you  made  to  them  at 
Lancaster,  Marlboro  and  other  places. 

I  am  sure,  sir,  you  have  too  much  regard  for  your  rep- 
utation to  tell  the  colored  people,  as  your  Republican 
understrappers  do  all  over  the  State,  that  if  the  Demo- 
cratic party  get  into  power  in  South  Carolina,  they  will 
be  thrown  back  into  slavery  or  deprived  of  all  their  po- 
litical rights  and  privileges.  You  know,  sir,  that  the 
Democratic  party  has  the  control  of  Georgia,  Alabama, 
Mississippi,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  Texas, 
Arkansas,  and  in  all  those  States  the  colored  people  are 
better  off,  more  secure  in  all  their  rights,  more  prosper- 


314  Who  Freed  the  Slaves. 

ous  and  more  of  freemen  than  they  are  in  South  Caro- 
lina under  Republican  or  Radical  rule. 

It  has  been  said  that  all  mankind   are  governed  by 
love  or  fear.    You  seem  disposed  to  be  governed  by  the 
former  principle  and  your  understrappers  by  the  latter. 
I  am,  sir,  most  respectfully  yours,  &c, 

B.  F.  Perry. 


i-SftM'V  /v  w  rv •vw 


ADDRESS  OF  EX-GOVERNOR  B.  F.  PERRY 

TO   THE 

LITERARY  SOCIETIES  OF  FURMAN   UNIVERSISY. 
DELIVERED  JUNE  24,  1878. 


Young  Gentlemen  of  the  Literary 

Societies  of  Furman  University  : 

I  APPEAR  before  you  to-day,  in  obedience  to  your 
request,  for  the  purpose  of  addressing  you  on  the 
anniversary  of  your  societies.  Recently,  T  have  declined 
all  such  honors  from  societies  and  colleges  abroad;  but 
I  did  not  feel  myself  justified  in  refusing  to  address  the 
literary  societies  of  Furman  University.  This  flourish- 
ing institution  of  learning  is  in  the  city  of  my  home; 
my  sons  have  been  educated  within  its  classic  walls; 
and,  having  largely  assisted  in  its  endowment,  I  can 
but  feel  an  interest  and  pride  in  its  success  and  pros- 
perity. 

The  Furman  University  has  been  established  in  Green- 
ville  for  many  years  past,  and  has,  at  all  times,  had  a 
large  number  of  pupils,  and  a  corps  of  learned  profes- 
sors, which  would  do  credit  and  honor  to  any  college  or 
university  in  the  republic  of  letters.  The  hundreds  of 
young  men  whom  it  has  graduated  are  now  scattered 
all  over  the  State,  and  most  of  the  Southern  States,  an 
honor  to  their  Alma  Mater,  and  honored  by  the  com- 
m unities  in  which  they  live. 

The  recent  death  of  one  of  your  ablest,  most  learned, 
accomplished,  and  beloved  professors,  has  been  a  se- 
rious loss  to  the  University,  and  the  literature  of  the 


31 G  Address. 

State.  His  death  has  saddened  the  hearts  of  all  who 
knew  him.  Dr.  Reynolds  was  no  ordinary  man.  He 
was  a  Christian  gentleman  of  fervent  piety  and  high 
honor— respected  and  beloved  by  all  his  associates.  His 
scholarship  and  literary  attainments  are  well  known  to 
the  Southern  States.  For  nearly  the  third  of  a  century 
he'  filled,  with  distinguished  ability,  a  professor's  chair 
in  the  South  Carolina  College.  When  that  noble  seat 
of  learning,  and  time-honored  institution,  became  dis- 
graced and  polluted  by  the  presence  of  ignorant  and 
corrupt  carpet-baggers,  scalawags  and  Negroes,  tilling 
the  seats  once  occupied  by  Maxey,  Cooper,  Lieber,  Pres- 
ton, Barnwell,  Henry,  Thorn  well,  and  other  princes  of 
literature  and  science,  he  retired  from  its  dishonored 
groves  as  he  would  have  done  from  a  moral  pestilence, 
and  accepted  position  in  the  Furman  University! J  The 
patriotism  of  Dr.  Reynolds  was  true  and  as  pure  as  his 
religion.  Nothing  could  induce  him  to  even  make  the 
acquaintance  of  those  who  had  disgraced  and  dishon- 
ored their  State.  Struck  down,  suddenly,  in  the  matu- 
rity of  his  intellect,  in  the  fulness  of  his  learning,  and 
amidst  his  great  usefulness,  we  have  all  shed  tears  over 
his  memory. 

When  it  was  proposed,  last  winter,  to  reorganize  the 
South  Carolina  University,  I  was  a  trustee  of  that  insti- 
tution, and  received  ten  or  fifteen  applications  for  pro- 
fessorships in  it.  None  of  the  applicants  were,  in  my 
estimation,  superior  in  learning  and  reputation  to  the 
professors  of  the  Furman  University.  This  induced  me 
to  say  to  the  board  of  trustees  that  it  was  not  advisa- 
ble to  open  the  State  University  at  the  present  time.  I 
thought  the  Charleston  College  and  the  various  denom- 
inational colleges  throughout  the  State  would  supply 
every  demand  for  education  in  South  Carolina,  under 
the  present  impoverished  condition  of  the  people.  At 
some  future  time,  when  the  finances  of  the  State  were  in 
a  better  condition,  the  Legislature  might  reorganize  the 
University  with  propriety  and  success. 


Address.  317 

I  would  not  have  any  one  to  infer  from  this  that  I  am 
unfriendly  to  the  most  general  and  highest  attainable 
education.  T  know  full  well  that  education  is  civiliza- 
tion, and  that  ''knowledge  is  power.''  Culture  and 
learning  contribute  largely  to  the  virtue,  patriotism 
and  happiness  of  mankind.  The  prosperity  of  every 
people  in  the  world  depends  in  a  great  measure,  on  their 
education  and  knowledge,  their  learning  and  science. 

The  love  of  learning,  unfortunately,  is  not  universal 
with  all  men.  There  are  many,  very  many,  in  the  most 
civilized  communities  of  every  people  who  seem  to  car^ 
nothing  for  education  and  intellectual  improvement. 
But  the  love  of  power  and  influence  which  learning 
gives  is  inherent  in  human  nature.  All  mankind  are 
ambitious  of  power  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest.  It 
pervades  all  ranks  and  circles  of  life,  and  its  exercise 
affords  to  all,  whether  good  or  bad,  ignorant  or  wise, 
the  highest  gratification.  The  great  statesman  is  am- 
bitious of  power  to  control  and  shape  the  destinies  of 
his  country.  The  eloquent  orator,  whether  in  the 
Senate,  at  the  bar,  in  the  pulpit,  or  before  a  popular 
assembly,  is  proud  of  his  influence  to  move  and  sway 
the  thoughts,  feelings  and  action  of  his  audience.  The 
benevolent  philanthropist  delights  in  his  ability  to  im- 
prove and  elevate  the  condition  of  his  fellow  men.  The 
conquering  general  glories  in  his  power  of  defeating  and 
crushing  an  opposing  army.  And  the  humblest  me- 
chanic who  treads  the  earth  feels  as  joyfully  the  success 
of  his  plodding  genius  as  did  the  inventor  of  the  steam 
locomotive,  the  electric  wire,  the  telephone  or  phono- 
graph. That  love  of  power,  whether  great  or  small,  is 
like  Dr.  Johnson's  definition  of  pride.  This  great  mor- 
alist said  a  little  school  miss  was  just  as  proud  of  a  new 
calico  dress  as  a  great  orator  was  of  an  eloquent  speech 
which  had  brought  down  the  applause  of  an  admiring 
Senate. 

It  is  said,  too,  that  this  love  of  power  which  learning 


318  Address. 

"ratifies,  is  not  cod  fined  to  one  sex  alone;  but  that 
women  are  as  ambitious  of  power  as  men.  Two  of  the 
earliest  and  most  eminent  of  British  poets,  have  told  in 
sweet  and  harmonious  verse,  the  beautiful  story  of  a 
young  knight  "in  days  of  old,  when  Arthur  filled  the 
throne."  who  was  condemned  to  die  for  an  offense 
against  the  female  sex.  His  application  for  mercy  was 
referred  to  the  que^n  in  her  council  of  ladies.  They  ad- 
judged that  his  life  should  be  spared  on  one  condition. 
This  was,  that  he  would  tell  them  within  twelve  months 
"  what  women  most  loved."  The  young  knight  set  out 
to  enquire  with  heavy  heart,  says  the  poet,  "asked  all 
he  met,  knocked  at  every  door,"  enquired  of  men,  but 
made  his  chief  request  to  learn  from  women  themselves 
what  they  most  desired.  Each  one  answered  according 
to  her  own  mind.  One  was  for  wealth,  another  for 
honor  and  titles.  Some  preferred  beauty,  some  dress, 
flattery  and  pleasure.  The  widow's  wish,  says  the  poet, 
"was  oftentimes  towed  again."  The  young  knight 
was  painfully  perplexed.  At  length,  the  day  before  his 
appointed  execution,  he  met  on  the  wayside,  an  old 
crone,  who  told  him  that  she  would  solve  his  problem  if 
he  would  promise  to  marry  her.  He  looked  at  the  ugly 
hag  and  thought  of  his  death.  It  was  a  sad  alternative, 
and  after  some  hesitation,  he  accepted  the  terms  pro- 
posed. She  told  him  that  sovereignty  was  what  all 
women  loved  most  ;  power  to  do  as  they  pleased,  have 
their  own  way  and  their  own  will,  whether  wife,  widow 
or  maid.  When  the  Queen  and  her  female  Parliament 
received  this  answer,  the  poet  says:  k'There  was  not  one 
as  widow,  maid  or  wife,"  %t  but  said  the  knight  had  well 
deserved  his  life."  The  old  crone  turned  out  to  be  a 
young  and  beautiful  princess. 

In  all  ages  and  in  all  countries,  every  nationality, 
savage  or  civilized,  has  had  some  system  of  education 
for  their  children.  Herodotus,  the  father  of  historians, 
tells  us  that  the  ancient  Persians  taught  their  bovs  till 


Address.  319 

fifteen  years  old  "to  ride,  to  draw  the  how  and  tell  the 
truth."  They  ought  to  have  added  to  their  system  of 
education  to  learn  to  work  and  study,  as  well  as  to 
ride,  draw  the  bow  and  tell  the  truth.  In  Sparta,  edu- 
cation as  well  for  girls  as  boys,  was  mostly  physical 
and  to  conceal  their  faults  and  crimes.  This  was  to 
make  them  athletic  mothers,  and  brave  heroes  capable 
of  enduring  every  hardship  at  home  and  in  camp.  In 
Athens,  at  her  highest  state  of  civilization,  philosophy 
seems  to  have  been  the  chief  study  in  her  schools.  The 
sciences  were  not  much  known  and  greatly  neglected. 
They  had  no  dead  languages  to  learn  as  we  have  in  our 
schools. 

In  regard  to  our  dead  languages,  Thomas  S.  Grimke. 
of  Charleston,  a  finished  classical  scholar,  an  able  law- 
yer and  a  very  pure  man,  wrote  several  articles  in  the 
Old  Southern  Review  against  devoting  so  much  time  to 
the  study  of  Latin  and  Greek  in  our  academies  and  col- 
leges. He  contended  that  seven  or  eight  years  spent  in 
mastering  the  dead  languages  was  a  waste  of  time  in  a 
boy's  life.  He  thought  those  years  might  be  more 
profitably  occupied  in  studying  the  sciences,  modern 
languages  and  the  practical  duties  of  life.  The  great 
John  Locke,  in  his  system  of  education,  expresses  the 
same  opinion.  And  the  learned  and  accomplished 
Thomas  Keightly,  author  of  Grecian  and  Roman  my- 
thology, says:  "The  classics  have  seen  their  best  days, 
and  will  never  regain  the  exclusive  dominion  which  they 
once  possessed." 

It  is  certainly  true  that  most  boys  scon  forget  their 
Latin  and  Greek,  unless  the  study  of  these  languages  is 
kept  up  after  they  leave  college.  Like  young  ladies, 
who  spend  years  in  learning  music,  which  is  a  very  irk- 
some study, for  most  of  them  seldom  pay  any  attention 
to  it  after  they  become  mothers  of  families.  Unless  a 
girl  has  an  ear  for  music,  it  is  a  waste  of  time  and 
money  in   attempting  to  learn  it.     How   much  better 


320  Address. 

would  it  be  for  her  to  spend  the  same  length  of  time  in 
the  study  of  domestic  duttes? 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages 
are  full  of  beauties;  and  the  study  of  them  will  greatly 
improve  one's  taste  and  composition.  But  this  should 
be  when  the  mind  is  matured  and  capable  of  apprecia- 
ting these  beauties.  In  the  early  history  of  English 
education  there  was  not  much  for  a  boy  to  learn, except 
the  dead  languages.  The  study  of  history,  philosophy, 
and  all  the  sciences,  was  very  much  neglected.  More- 
over the  best  works  were,  at  that  time,  in  Latin  and 
Greek.  This  is  not  so  much  the  case  now,  and  we  have 
good  translations  of  all  the  classics.  These  transla- 
tions did  not  then  exist.  A  man  may  now  be  thor- 
oughly acquainted  with  Aristotle,  Thueydides,  Cicero, 
Hallust,  Pliny,  Demosthenes,  and  all  the  other  classics, 
without  knowing  a  word  of  Latin  or  Greek.  He  can 
read  and  enjoy  the  sublimity  of  the  Illiad,  the  wit  and 
humor  of  Aristophones,  the  grandeur  of  iEsehylus,  the 
loves  of  Ovid,  the  beauties  of  Anacreon  or  Virgil,  in  our 
own  native  English  tongue. 

A  writer  of  the  thirteenth  century,  in  speaking  of 
French  education,  says  that  girls  were  only  taught  "to 
pray,  to  love,  to  sew,  and  to  knit."  One  would  suppose 
that  the  two  first  of  these  studies  required  no  teaching, 
except  that  of  nature,  and  especially  the  second.  It 
would  be  well  if  the  two  latter  were  still  taught  in  our 
modern  schools,  with  other  domestic  and  household 
duties.  They  would  certainly  render  a  young  lady 
much  more  competent  to  discharge  the  duties  of  a  wife 
and  mother,  than  a  smattering  of  French,  and  playing 
on  the  piano. 

Life  is  too  short  to  study  all  the  sciences,  learn  all  the 
languages,  dead  and  living,  and  read  all  the  books 
which  are  published  in  modern  times.  We  must  make  a 
selection  of  studies  and  books.  Hence  the  advantage 
of  a  University  system  over  the  curriculum  of  a  college. 


Address.  321 

A  student  in  college  has  to  go  through  a  regular  course, 
no  matter  how  uninteresting  the  studies  may  be  to  him, 
or  ill-suited  to  his  genius,  or  how  useless  in  after  life. 
But  in  the  University  you  select  those  studies  which  are 
most  interesting,  and  for  which  you  have  a  talent,  and 
which  will  be  of  most  service  to  you  in  your  future  pro- 
fession or  calling.  The  study  of  chemistry,  for  instance, 
is  all  important  to  the  student  of  medicine,  but  no  ser- 
vice to  the  lawyer  or  minister  in  his  profession. 

I  was  greatly  impressed  with  this  belief  while  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  South  Carolina  Col- 
lege, at  the  same  time  a  member  of  the  Legislature;  and 
I  labored  diligently  for  years,  to  convert  that  institu- 
tion into  a,  University.  The  Honorable  VV.  C.  Preston, 
who  had  been  President  of  the  College,  united  with  me 
most  cordially  in  trying  to  accomplish  this  important 
and  desirable  change  I  urged  on  the  Legislature, 
whilst  Provisional  Governor  of  the  State,  and  it  was 
finally  accomplished,  under  the  administration  of  Gov- 
ernor Orr,  who  was  a  graduate  of  the  Virginia  Univer- 
sity, and  appreciated  that  system  of  education. 

But  no  young  man  should  suppose,  for  a  moment, 
that  his  education  is  complete  when  he  graduates  in  a 
college  or  university.  He  has  only  laid  the  foundation 
of  an  education  on  which  he  is  to  build  the  superstruct- 
ure in  after  life.  How  silly  would  it  be  for  a  student  of 
law,  or  medicine,  or  divinity,  to  suppose  his  profes- 
sional studies  completed  when  he  receives  his  license  to 
practice  his  profession !  It  would  be  equally  stupid  for 
the  graduate  of  a  college  or  University  to  think  his 
classical  and  scientific  studies  were  ended  when  he 
receives  his  diploma.  If  he  does  not  continue  to  culti- 
vate them  he  will  soon  cease  to  derive  any  practical 
advantages  from  them. 

It  is  very  gratifying  to  think  how  greatly  increased 
and  improved  are  the  facilities  of  education  all  over  the 
civilized  world  at  the  present  time,  compared  with  what 


322  Address. 

they  were  in  former  days.  Schools,  academies,  colleges 
and  universities  are  now  established  all  over  the  land. 
Education  is  general,  and  every  one  at  least  may  learn 
to  read  and  write.  In  Prussia  there  is  a  penalty  for  its 
neglect.  In  Massachusetts  no  one  is  allowed  to  vote 
who  cannot  read  and  write.  In  all  the  United  States 
free  schools  are  established  in  every  neighborhood,  and 
colleges  and  universities  in  each  State.  There  were  in 
1858,  twenty  years  ago,  one  hundred  and  thirty  col- 
leges and  universities  of  established  reputation  in  the 
United  States.  It  is  now  said  that  this  number  has 
been  increased  to  three  hundred  and  sixty-five. 

In  the  early  history  of  South  Carolina  the  means  of 
acquiring  even  the  rudiments  of  an  English  education 
were  very  limited.  During  our  colonial  history,  the 
sons  of  wealthy  parents  were  sent  to  England  to  be 
educated,  and  the  sons  of  the  poor  were  not  educated  at 
all.  The  upper  portion  of  South  Carolina  was  settled 
by  a  hardy,  industrious  and  enterprising  population 
from  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,.  These  pio- 
neers of  civilization  came  here,  in  the  language  of  Tally- 
rand,  to  "make  war  against  the  forests  and  wild  ani- 
mals." Their  object  was  to  cut  down  the  trees  and 
cultivate  the  soil.  Education  and  learning  were  hardly 
thought  of,  and  their  importancenotat  all  appreciated. 
There  were  scarcely  any  schools  out  of  Charleston,  and 
no  academies  or  colleges.  The  sons  of  these  early 
settlers  had  to  work  hard  from  the  beginning  to  theend 
of  the  year,  and  had  no  time  to  go  to  school.  Their 
highest  education,  when  they  had  any  at  all,  was  to 
read,  write  and  cipher. 

Owing  to  this  want  of  education  in  the  upper  country, 
the  history  of  South  Carolina,  during  the  Revolutionary 
war,  was  simply  the  history  of  Charleston  and  a  few  of 
the  adjoining  Parishes.  Scarcely  anything  is  recorded 
of  the  gallantry  and  suffering  of  the  people  in  the  upper 
country.    After  the  war  was  over,  the  destitution  of  the 


Address.  323 

State,  in  the  way  of  schools  and  colleges,  was  deeply 
felt,  and  there  was  a  very  general  disposition,  on  the 
part  of  the  people,  to  remedy  it.  In  1785,  two  years 
alter  the  ratification  of  peace,  the  Legislature  passed  an 
act  incorporating  three  colleges— one  in  Charleston,  one 
at  Winnsboro,  and  one  at  Old  Cambridge.  The  Charles- 
ton College  succeeded  and  prospered,  and  is  still  in  exis- 
tence, with  a  high  reputation  for  learning  and  useful- 
ness. The  college  at  Winnsboro  became  a  respectable 
academy,  and  is  still  flourishing  as  such.  The  college 
at  Cambridge  proved  an  abortion,  and  never  went  into 
operation. 

In  1795  the  Beaufort  College  was  established  and  be- 
came a  respectable  gram  mar  school,  with  a  good  library. 
About  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  the  South 
Carolina  College  was  incorporated  and  endowed  by  the 
State.  The  purpose  of  erecting  a  college  at  the  capital 
of  the  State  and  in  the  centre  of  the  State  was  a 
most  laudable  and  patriotic  one.  It  was  intended, 
not  only  for  classical  and  scientific  learning,  but  to 
destroy  sectional  prejudices  and  bring  all  the  sons 
of  Carolina,  seeking  a  high  education,  together  and 
make  them  acquainted  with  each  other.  Previous 
to  the  Revolutionary  war  there  had  been  little  or  no  in- 
tercourse between  the  two  sections  of  the  State,  which 
were  settled  by  distinct  and  different  immigrations. 

At  the  same  time  the  South  Carolina  College  was 
established  under  the  patronage  and  endowment 
of  the  Legislature,  free  schools  were  opened  all 
over  the  State  at  public  expense.  This,  too,  was 
a  most  wise,  just  and  patriotic  act.  Whilst  the 
college  supported  by  the  State  was  principally  for 
the  benefit  of  the  wealthier  class,  who  were  able 
to  send  their  sons  to  college,  the  free  schools  were 
intended  for  the  education  of  the  poorer  classes.  This 
system  of  education  worked  admirably  until  the  com- 
mencement of  our  civil  war.     For  many  years  the  South 


324  Address. 

Carolina  College  stood  pre-eminent  as  a  seat  of  learning; 
and  education  in  the  Southern  States.  Young  gentle- 
men were  sent  to  it  from  Virginia,  North  Carolina. 
Georgia,  Alabama  and  Mississippi.  Its  alumni  were 
scattered  over  most  of  these  States,  filling  many  of 
their  highest  and  most  important  offices. 

The  South  Carolina  College  was  under  the  influence  of 
no  particular  religious  denomination.  The  professors' 
chairs  were  filled  alike  by  Baptists,  Methodists,  Presby- 
terians and  Episcopalians.  Sometimes  the  professors 
belonged  to  no  religious  sect  whatever.  In  the  course 
of  time,  as  the  different  denominations  became  wealthy 
and  numerous,  they  very  naturally  felt  a  pride  in  having 
institutions  of  learning  of  their  own.  This  feeling,  too, 
was  no  doubt  increased  by  an  irreligious  sentiment 
which  sprung  up  in  the  college  under  the  presidency  of 
Dr.  Cooper.  He  was  a  man  of  great  learning— kind- 
hearted,  and  amiable — but  an  open  and  avowed  infidel  in 
religion.  Hence,  arose  in  the  course  of  time,  the  various 
denominational  colleges  in  the  State.  The  Methodists 
established  the  Wofford  College  at  Spartanburg,  the 
Seceders  their  Erskine  College  at  Due  West,  the  Baptists 
their  Furman  University  at  Greenville,  the*  Lutherans 
their  Newberry  College,  and  the  Presbyterians  their 
Adger  College  at  Walhalla. 

These  sectarian  colleges  necessarily  drew  a  large  num- 
ber of  students  who  would  otherwise  have  gone  to  the 
State  institution.  It  is  proper  here  to  say  that  none  of 
the  denominational  colleges  are  sectarian  in  their 
teachings. 

When  South  Carolina  shall  have  recovered  from  the 
spoliation  and  roguery  of  the  thieves  and  scoundrels 
who  have  governed  and  oppressed  her  for  the  last  de- 
cade in  her  history,  under  the  protection  of  Federal  bay- 
onets, it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  State  University  will  be 
reorganized  on  the  highest  standard  of  education  and 
literature;   and   that  all  the  professors' chairs  will   be 


Address.  325 

filled  with  gentlemen  of  the  highest  reputation  for 
ability,  learning  and  science.  These  sectarian  colleges 
may  then  be  auxiliary  to  the  State  University.  After 
graduating  in  them  the  students  who  are  able  and  de- 
sirous of  a  more  extended  education  will  have  an  op- 
portunity of  continuing  their  studies  in  the  South  Caro- 
lina University. 

Now,  young  gentlemen,  as  you  are  about  entering  on 
the  great  theatre  of  busy  life,  and  I  am  passing  off  the 
stage  of  existence,  I  hope  you  will  not  take  amiss  a  few 
words  of  counsel  and  advice  from  an  old  man  who  feels 
an  interest  in  your  prosperity,  happiness  and  success  in 
life.  I  am  a  plain,  practical  man,  and  have  no  powers 
of  rhetoric  or  eloquence  to  please  and  amuse  you  with 
to-day.  But  I  have  some  wholesome  words  to  say, 
which,  if  you  will  treasure  up  in  your  memories,  may  be 
of  some  service  to  you. 

And  first,  I  would  impress  on  your  minds  that  if  you 
expect  to  succeed  in  your  various  pursuits,  you  must  be 
industrious,  moral,  studious  and  honorable.  Honor  in- 
cludes religion,  patriotism  and  all  the  Christian  virtues. 
It  is  not  enough  for  you  to  be  honorablein  all  your  con- 
duct, but  you  should  discountenance  all  dishonor  in 
others,  by  refusing  their  intimacy  and  association.  He 
who  keeps  vicious  company  is,  as  we  lawyers  say,  ac- 
cessory to  vice,  after  the  fact.  The  Spanish  proverb, 
"tell  me  who  your  associates  are  and  I  will  tell  you  who 
you  are,"  should  be  truer  than  it  is  at  the  present  day. 
Men  guilty  of  the  most  dishonorable  conduct  are  too 
often  tolerated  in  good  society.  If  such  men  were  put 
in  Coventry  by  their  companions,  and  refused  all  asso- 
ciaticn,  they  might  be  checked  in  their  dishonorable 
courses.  But  whilst  a  man  may  lie,  cheat,  defraud  and 
dishonor  his  State,  and  demoralize  society,  and  yet  be 
countenanced  by  the  virtuous  and  good,  there  is  no  in- 
ducement forhis  reformation.  Theold  Spanish  proverb 
becomes  a  palpable  falsehood. 


326  A  DDK  ESS. 

I  have  said  that  you  must  be  studious  if  you  expect 
to  succeed  in  your  profession.  "There  is  no  royal  road 
to  learning,!''  said  Aristotle  to  his  pupil,  Alexander  the 
Great.  Genius,  however  brilliant,  will  not  supersede  the 
labor  and  drudgery  of  studying.  You  must  be  indus- 
trious as  well  as  studious.  Labor  was  always  honora- 
ble, and  now  it  is  a  necessity  with  the  Southern  people. 
By  the  sweat  of  our  brows  we  are  to  live,  says  the  Scrip- 
ture. If  idleness  is  not  the  root  of  all  evil,  it  certainly 
ruins  thousands.  There  is  great  truth  in  the  saying 
that  "idleness  is  the  devil's  workshop." 

Without  perseverance  you  never  can  succeed,  even 
with  industry  and  studious  habits.  Never  despair,  and 
never  change  your  plans,  because  you  have  not  done  as 
well  as  yon  expected.  One  of  the  most  eminent  lawyers 
and  judges  in  South  Carolina,  and  one  who  ultimately 
had  the  largest  practice  ever  enjoyed  by  a  member  of 
the  South  Carolina  Bar,  was  ten  years  in  his  profession 
without  doing  much. 

The  manners  of  a  young  gentleman  have  much  to  do 
with  his  succeeding  in  life.  I  do  not  allude  to  polished 
and  courtly  manners,  but  to  warm  and  cordial  man- 
ners. They  are  mesmeric,  and  have  won  many  a  heart 
and  opened  the  road  to  friendship  and  popularity.  I 
would  have  you  polite,  at  all  times,  to  all  persons.  You 
can  be  civil  and  polite  to  a  mean  man  without  becoming 
his  associate  or  companion.  I  once  heard  a  distin- 
guished Judge  say,  on  the  Bench,  that  "politeness  was 
the  cheapest  commodity  anyone  couid  use  to  gain  the 
good  will  of  his  fellow  men." 

Firmness  is  a  great  virtue,  and  you  should  cultivate 
it,  early  in  life.  It  often  prevents  a  man  from  being- 
swerved  from  duty  and  honor.  Indeed,  without  firm- 
ness there  is  no  security  in  your  moral  rectitude. 
Thousands  have  been  led  astray  for  the  want  of  it.  I 
have  known  many  good  men, in  political  life, go  against 


Address..  327 

their  convictions  and  principles,  because  they  had  not 
the  firmness  to  resist  popular  clamor. 

St.  Pan]  says:  "If  it  be  possible,  as  much  as  lieth  in 
you,  live  peaceably  with  all  men.'*  Be  not  too  hasty  to 
resent  an  insult,  or  redress  an  injury.  Most  young  men 
have  this  failing,  and  it  is  a  very  grievous  one.  Re- 
member that  a  man  can  -only  disgrace  himself.  You 
may  be  reviled  and  slandered  ;  but  time,  and  your  own 
good  conduct,  will  set  you  right  in  public  opinion. 

There  is  one  vice  of  youth  which  I  would  most 
solemnly  warn  and  adjure  you  against  if  you  expect 
happiness  in  this  world  or  the  life  to  come.  It  is  one 
unfortunately  to  which  the  genial,  generous  and  highly 
gifted  seem  most  subjected.  Its  path  is  strewed  with 
skeletons,  the  blasted  hopes  of  genius  and  virtue, 
stained  with  blood  and  pointed  with  crime,  misery  and 
wretchedness.  I  allude  to  intemperance.  Young  men 
require  no  stimulant  except  what  youth  and  virtuous 
ambition  give.  Spirits  may  be,  as  it  has  been  said  to 
be,  the  "  milk  of  old  age."  But  it  is  the  bane,  the  deadly 
poison  of  youth  and  early  manhood.  Taste  not,  touch 
not  the  seductive  draught  in  youth,  and  you  will  never 
contract  the  habit  of  intoxication  in  old  age. 

My  advice  to  you  is,  to  stick  to  your  country  and 
never  leave  the  Old  Palmetto  State.  Remain  where  you 
were  born  and  brought  up.  Cherish  the  homes  of  your 
ancestors.  There  is  an  instinct  of  human  nature  which 
makes  us  all  love  the  land  of  our  birth,  and  the  scenes 
of  our  childhood.  No  matter  how  far  we  may  wander, 
or  how  long  we  may  be  absent,  the  heart  always  yearns 
for  its  native  home.  The  man  who  is  constantly  mov- 
ing loses  his  local  attachment,  and  in  some  measure,  his 
love  of  country. 

In  regard  to  the  most  important  event  in  your  lives, 
I  will  tell  what  others  have  said.  Dr.  Franklin's  advice 
to  a  young  man.  was,  to  marry  his  neighbor's  daughter. 
I  once  told  this  to  a  young  lady,  and  she  shrewdly  re- 


328  Address. 

marked  that  it  would  be  well  first  to  know  who  your 
neighbor  was.  T  suggested  it  was  of  more  importance 
to  know  what  sort  of  person  his  daughter  was.  Frank- 
lin was  a  very  wise,  practical  man,  and  his  object  in  giv- 
ing-this  advice,  was  to  impress  on  your  minds  the  im- 
portance of  knowing  well  whom  you  were  going  to 
marry. 

Franklin  likewise  advocated  early  marriages,  as  they 
were  more  likely  to  give  you  an  opportunity  of  living  to 
see  your  children  educated  and  settled  in  life.  But  them 
is  another  consideration  to  be  looked  to  in  early  mar- 
riages. You  must  first  be  well  satisfied  of  your  ability 
to  support  your  wife.  The  want  of  this  prudence  and 
forethought  has  entailed  untold  misery  on  many  a  lov- 
ing couple.  If  I  were  addressing  the  young  ladies,  I 
would  advise  them  never  to  marry  a  young  man  till  his 
character  was  formed,  and  his  reputation  established. 
She  would  then  know  what  sort  of  a  husband  she  was 
likely  to  have. 

Governor  Hayne,  one  of  South  Carolina's  most  emi- 
nent sons,  and  called  by  one  of  his  cotemporaries  ''the 
Prince  of  common  sense,"  once  said  to  me,  that  "the 
two  first  requisites  in  the  choice  of  a  wife,  were 
good  health  and  good  temper."  I  would  add  two 
others  equally  essential,  good  sense  and  a  good 
family.  If  she  should  happen  to  be  beautiful  and  rich, 
1  would  advise  you  to  make  no  objections  on  that  score, 
provided  she  had  good  health, good  temper, good  sense, 
and  was  of  a  good  family. 

By  a  good  family,  I  do  not  mean  a  distinguished 
family,  but  moral,  industrious  and  honorable  family. 
It  is  a  little  remarkable  that  so  much  attention  is  paid 
to  the  blood  and  pedigree  of  horses,  and  none  to  that 
of  the  human  family.  A  good  father  and  mother  are  as 
apt  to  have  a  good  son  or  daughter,  as  a  blooded  racer 
is  to  produce  his  kind. 
A  young  Grecian  once  asked  Solon,  the  great  philoso- 


Address.  329 

pher  of  antiquity  and  law-giver  of  Athens,  "  whether  it 
was  better  to  live  single  or  get  married."  The  old  sage 
replied,  "do  which  you  may  and  you  will  repent  it  be- 
fore you  die."  But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Solon 
was  never  married,  or  he  would  not  probably  have  given 
this  advice.  He  had  a  right  to  speak  for  the  old  bach- 
elors, but  not  for  the  married  men.  Marriage  is  the 
natural  state  of  man  and  woman  and  contributes  more 
to  their  happiness  than  anything  else.  Celibacy  is  an 
unnatural  state  of  isolation  from  the  nearest  and  dear- 
est connections  of  life.  Socrates,  another  ancient  phil- 
osopher of  equal  or  greater  distinction  than  Solon,  was 
so  much  pleased  with  wedded  life,  though  married  to  a 
terrible  virago,  that  he  took  a  second  wife  under  a  tem- 
porary law  of  Athens.  And  it  is  said  that  on  some 
occasion  these  wives,  two  sovereigns  in  one  domain, 
came  to  blows.  The  old  philosopher  laughed  heartily 
at  their  pugilism,  which  turned  their  anger  from  each 
other  to  their  husband,  and  thereupon  they  both  fell  on 
him  and  gave  the  old  fellow  a  sound  beating. 

I  cannot  conclude  my  address  to-day,  young  gentle- 
men, without  congratulating  you  on  the  restoration  of 
South  Carolina  to  self-government.  In  the  language  of 
an  Irish  orator, she  now  "stands  redeemed,  regenerated 
and  disenthralled,"  after  the  most  infamous  oppression 
ever  inflicted  on  a  proud,  high-minded,  brave  and  hon- 
orable people.  And  what  adds  to  the  deep  damnation 
of  this  infamy  is  that  some  of  her  own  native  born  sons 
assisted  in  the  unnatural  dishonoring  of  their  mother. 
God  may  forgive  them,  but  their  country  never  can, 
whilst  moral  treason  is  abhorred  and  dishonor  spurned 
by  a  virtuous  and  patriotic  people. 

It  is  well  for  you,  gentlemen,  that  you  will  enter  pub- 
lic life  after  this  black,  unnatural  horror  has  passed 
over  your  beloved  State,  and  the  political  horizon  is 
bright  and  clear.  I  thank  the  Almighty  in  the  honest 
sincerity  of  my  heart,  that  I  have  lived  to  see  it  over. 


830  Address. 

and  that  when  1  die,  I  shall  have  the  consolation  of 
knowing  that  my  native  State  is  once  more  under  the 
government  of  her  honored  and  honorable  sons. 

Two  years  ago  there  seemed  to  be  a  weird  charm  in 
the  name  of  Hampton,  which  exorcised  the  political 
devils  in  power  of  all  their  cunning  and  courage.  It 
made  them  arrant  cowards,  all ;  and  they  could  see  in 
every  Democratic  meeting  which  took  place,  from  the 
seaside  to  the  mountains,  the  spectre  of  Hampton's  Old 
Legion  preparing  for  death's  charge  on  their  rascality 
and  roguery.  At  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  I 
did  not  suppose  there  was  a  ghost  of  a>  chance  for  our 
success.  But  there  was  an  over-ruling  Providence  which 
decreed  our  victory,  and  to  onr  Almighty  God,  and  not 
to  man,  be  the  praise  of  our  deliverance. 

Young  gentlemen  of  the  literary  societies  of  Furman 
University,  I  tender  you  my  thanks  for  this  day's 
honor,  and  bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell. 

B.  F.    Perry. 


^#^^^^^:^:^^$§:^}m:|^, 


LETTERS 

Worthy  of  preservation,  that  generations  to  come  may  know  how  justly 
appreciated  Governor  Perry  was,  after  all  the  persecution  and  trials 
he  had  endured  for  conscience  and  principle.  South  Carolinians 
have  nobly  made  amends  for  their  former  distrust  of  him  whose 
whole  life  was  devoted  to  the  best  interests  of  South  Carolina,  and 
his  last  days  were  made  happy  by  the  consciousness  of  this  appre- 
ciation. 


Charleston,  S.  C,  February  7,  1889. 

Dear  Mrs.  Ferry:  I  appreciate  most  highly  your 
very  considerate  attention  in  sending  to  Mrs.  Courtenay 
and  myself  a  printed  copy  of  The  Tribute  to  my  late  es- 
teemed friend,  Governor  Perry. 

I  need  not  assure  you,  how  grateful  I  am  for  this  evi- 
dence of  your  friendly  interest.  I  knew  your  husband 
previous  to  the  war  and  saw  more  of  him  subsequent  to 
its  close. 

The  value  of  his  life  to  the  State,  was,  that  he  had  a 
balanced  mind,  resting  on  sincerity  of  character.  In 
all  public  matters  he  was  ever  ready  to  announce  his 
opinion,  and  give  his  reasons,  eloquently  and  forcibly 
in  their  defense. 

Our  State  would  have  been  better  off  in  all  these  past 
years  of  two  generations,  if  our  public  men  had  been  as 
independent  in  thought  and  free  in  opinion  as  he  whom 
you  so  properly  and  so  worthily  commemorate. 

I  shall  preserve  this  volume  and  often  refer  to  it,  to 
recall  memories  of  the  past,  and  to  be  reminded  of  his 
merit  and  worth.  With  the  assurance  of  my  undimin- 
ished respect  for  him  l'gone  before,"  and  the  wish  that 
all  good  things  may  be  yours  in  the  sunset  of  your  long 
life,  I  am,  very  truly, 

William  A.  Courtenay. 


332  Letters. 

Carolina  Savings  Bank. 

Charleston,  S.  C,  February  14,  1889.. 
My  Dear  Mrs.  Perry:  On  my  return  botbecity,I  find 

bo  my  address  the  very  interesting  Tribute  to  your  ven- 
erated husband,  ex-Governor  Benjamin  P.  Perry.  Be- 
ing an  ardent  admirer  of  Governor  Perry,  I  have  read 
all  that  has  been  said  of  him  with  more  than  ordinary 
interest.  Your  noble  husband  preferred  being  right  to 
being  President  of  the  United  States.  If  our  people 
after  the  war,  had  accepted  the  situation  as  he  did,  it 
would  have  better  for  us  all. 

With  best  wishes  and  many  thanks  for  your  thought- 
ful remembrance,  1  remain, 

Yours  very  truly, 

George  W.  Williams. 


Chester,  S.  C,  March  7,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry. 

Dear  Madam:  On  yesterday  I  received  by  your  favor 
through  the  mail,  a  copy  of  the  book  entitled  :  Tribute 
to  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry,  &c. 

The  several  parts,  taken  separately,  are  some  only  of 
the  many  springs  of  genuine  reverence  prevailing  every- 
where in  the  State,  for  the  memory  of  your  husband, 
who,  in  every  position  in  his  long  and  varied  experience 
uniformly  exhibited  the  character  of  a  man  of  honest 
and  independent  thought,  of  true  devotion  to  his  State, 
and  of  courage  in  announcing  and  enforcing  his  views 
that  was  unwavering  and  sublime. 

The  Tribute  binds  these  springs  and  rills  into  astream 
—a  full  volume  of  appreciation.  In  giving  this  collec- 
tion to  your  friends  you  do  honor  to  yourself,  both  as 
a  true  and  loyal  wife,  and  as  having  reached  in  your 
sphere  the  same  heights  occupied  by  your  distinguished 
husband.  Happy  are  you  to  have  had  such  a  husband. 
Thrice  happy  are  you  to  be  able  to  appreciate  his  worth 
and  to  have  so  many  garlands  to  strew  upon  his  grave. 


Letters.  8&8 

The  presentation  of  this  volume  by  you  does  me  im 
finite  honor.  The  gift  (as  I  interpret  it),  expresses  your 
belief  in  my  capacity  to  appreciate  the  exalted  worth 
of  him  whose  memory  you  revere,  and  the  history  of 
whose  life  now  is  the  property  of  the  State. 

Many  months  since  Ireceived  also  a  copy  of  the  In 
Memoriam,&c.,from  you,  and  thoughtlessly  omitted  to 
acknowledge  its  reception  till  I  was  ashamed  to  do  so. 
I  have  never  ceased  to  reproach  myself  for  the  neglect, 
and  now  make  such  amends  as  I  may  by  asking  your 
pardon  for  the  neglect,  and  thanking  you  very  kindly 
for  both  volumes. 

With  profoundest  respect,  I  remain, 

Yours  truly, 

Giles  J.  Patterson. 


White  Horse,  S.  C,  March  17,  1889. 
My  Dear  Madam:  Mrs.  Ewbank  joins  me  in  thanking 
you    for    your    kind     thoughtfulness    in    ^ending    The 
Tribute  to  your  late  distinguished  husband. 

In  the  light  of  the  present  it  is  simply  impossible  to 
withhold  profound  appreciation  of  a,  statesman  whose 
forecast  shone  so  conspicuously  at  a  time  when  the 
large  majority  of  politicians  was  committed  to  views  so 
irreconcilably  antagonistic  to  his.  Surely  here  is  a 
notable  instance  of  the  inestimable  value  of  intelligent 
conviction  combined  with  and  dominated  by  unflinch- 
ing moral  courage. 

Mrs.  Ewbank  and  family  desire  to  unite  with  me  in 
very  kind  regards. 

Yours  my  dear  Madam, 

Respectfully,  truly, 

Henry  Ewbanks. 


Cheraw,  S.  C,  March  23,  1889. 
My  Dear  Mrs.  Perry:  Your  letter  of  the  15th  was 
•eceived  by  me  only  day  before  yesterday.     I  was  ab- 


334  Letters. 

sent  from  home  when  it  came,  and  as  is  generally  the 
ease,  I  found  an  accumulation  of  work  on  hand,  which 
kept  me  on  the  go  day  and  night  for  the  first  forty- 
eight  hours  after  my  return  home.  Hence,  my  delay  in 
responding  to  your  letter.  Mrs.  McNair  did  her  duty 
and  delivered  safely  the  package  you  entrusted  to  her. 
You  have  my  thanks  for  what  you  sent  me.  At 
the  next  meeting  of  the  Lyceum,  which  will  be  in  the 
course  of  a  week  or  ten  days,  you  will  receive  a  note  of 
thanks  for  the  donation. 

I  do  wish,  my  dear  Mrs.  Ferry,  that  you  could  look 
into  the  library  room  of  the  Cheraw  Lyceum  and  see 
the  conspicuous  place  occupied  by  the  very  handsome 
and  life-like  picture  of  Governor  Perry,  which  you  kindly 
presented  to  the  Lyceum.  As  you  enter  the  door  the 
picture  is  the  first  object  that  greets  your  eyes.  Every- 
one admires  it,  and  none  admire  the  picture  more  than 
they  do  the  original.  I  know  not  how  often  I  have 
heard  the  remark  made:  "You  could  not  have  the 
picture  of  anyone  in  your  hall  more  worthy  of  being 
honored  than  Governor  B.  F.  Perry."  He  was  truly 
one  of  nature's  noblemen,  and  will  be  remembered  when 
thousands  once  thought  great  are  forgotten. 

It  would  afford  me  genuine  pleasure  to  meet  you,  and 
if  I  should  visit  Greenville,  I  will  surely  do  myself  the 
pleasure  of  calling  on  you,  and  hope  the  time  may  come 
when  we  may  see  you  in  Cheraw.  You  would  find  many 
here  who  would  delight  to  do  you  honor,  not  only  for 
your  own  sake,  but  as  the  wife  of  that  noblest  of  men, 
Benjamin  F.  Ferry. 

Now  my  good  friend,  may  God  ever  bless  and  protect 
you  and  yours,  is  the  prayer  of 

Your  faithful  friend, 

Cornelius  Kollock. 

Columbia,  S.  C,  March  23,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Pebby,  Greenville,  S.  C. 
My  Dear  Madam:   I  have  the  honor  of  receiving  this 


Letters.  335 

day  from  your  hands  a  copy  of  Tribute  to  ex-Governor 
Perry,  your  lamented  husband. 

Please  accept  my  sincere  thanks  for  this  remembrance 
of  the  grandest  figure  in  Southern  politics;  of  the  Seer, 
who,  like  Calhoun,  foretold  the  Uliad  of  woes  into  which 
his  beloved  section  was  rushing,  but  greater  than  the 
greatest  of  them  a/7,  he  threw  his  majestic  form  and 
transcendent  talents  into  the  breach,  and  did  his 
utmost  to  save  by  preventing.  That  his  stentorian 
voice,  which  was  heard  above  the  whirlwind  of  contro- 
versy did  not  stem  Ihe  current  of  events  disastrous  to 
the  South,  and  particularly  to  South  Carolina,  we  can 
now  only  say  "  in  ore's  the  pity,"  and  admire  the  depth 
of  moral  courage,  which  must  have  been  necessary  to 
make  it  possible  for  him  to  withstand  the  whelming 
tide  of  public  clamor. 

Majestic,  grand,  without  a  superior  and  few  equals, 
his  memory  will  stand  like  a  monolith,  to  succeeding 
generations,  of  robust  integrity,  and  that  high  quality 
of  prescience,  which  places  him  with  the  prophets  of  old. 

With  much  respect,  I  am,  dear  Madam, 

Sincerely  yours, 

R.  S.  Desportes. 


Georgetown,  S.  C,  April  18,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry,  Greenville,  S.  C. 

Dear  Madam:  Please  accept  my  thanks  for  The 
Tribute  to  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry,  ex-Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  which  you  have  kindly  sent  to  me. 

I  first  met  Governor  Perry  in  the  year  1850,  and  from 
that  time  until  about  1869,  I  frequently  met  him  in 
Columbia.  Differing  with  him  frequently  in  his  political 
views,  there  was  no  man  in  the  councils  of  our  State  for 
whom  I  entertained  ahigher  personal  regard.  The  can- 
dor with  which  he  always  expressed  his  opinions,  the  in- 
domitable firmness  with  which  he  always  adhered  to 
his  convictions,  and  the  bold  and  straightforward  way 


3  3  6  Letters. 

in  which  lie  always  maintained  his  views  in  the  face  of 
large  majorities  against  him,  marked  him  as  a  states- 
man above  reproach,  and  a  citizen  to  be  admired  by  all. 
The  memory  of  such  a  man,  distinguished  alike  for  pri- 
vate and  public  virtue,  should  be  kept  green  for  the 
benefit  of  those  who  come  after  him. 

Again  thanking  you  for  you  kind  attention,  1  beg  to 
subscribe  myself, 

Yours  with  esteem, 

R.  DoziEK. 

Sondlkys,  8.  C,  April  23,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry,  Sans  Souci,  S.  C. 

Dear  Madam:  Permit  me  to  acknowledge  with  sin- 
cere thanks  a  copy  of  The  Tribute  to  your  lamented 
and  illustrious  husband.  I  have  read  its  pages  with 
pleasure,  and  have  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  character  of 
one  of  South  Carolina's  noblest  sons,  who  has  done 
honor  to  his  State.  It  must,  indeed,  have  been  a  source 
of  joy  to  him  in  his  declining  years,  while  reflecting  on 
the  eventful  period  when  he  became  a  martyr  in  the 
cause  of  truth  and  conscience,  to  be  able  to  see  his  own 
prophesy  vindicated.  Solitary  and  alone,  battling  for 
convictions  born  of  deep  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  his 
State,  Governor  Perry  presents  a  picture  in  her  history 
that  must  command  the  admiration  of  posterity. 

Many  of  us  of  the  younger  generation  were  personally 
unacquainted  with  him.  But  those  who  love  all  that  is 
good  and  great,  especially  when  endeared  by  the  ties  of 
State  citizenship,  learn  of  his  patriotic  labors  with  pride 
and  affection.  But  even  more  than  the  power  of  his  in- 
tellect, we  can  admire  that  greatness  of  soul,  which  dis- 
regarded all  political  honors  and  emoluments,  and  found 
happiness  in  the  discharge  of  conscious  duty. 

Accept,  dear  Madam,  my  high  appreciation  of  your 
labor,  and  my  best  wishes  for  your  happiness. 

Most  respectfully, 

Joseph  L.  Keith. 


Letters.  337 

Anniston,  Ala..  April,  29,1889. 
My  Dear  Madam  :  Allow  me  to  thank  you  for  the  three 
valuable  and  interesting  volumes  just  received  at  your 
hands.  The  memorial  volume  to  your  lamented  hus- 
band is  a  monument  to  your  devotion,  fidelity  and  love, 
greater  far  than  can  ever  be  erected  in  polished  marble 
or  shining  brass.  There  is  no  greater  proof  of  your  ex- 
alted nobility  of  character  than  is  thus  afforded  by 
your  simple  and  modest  Tribute  to  the  precious  memory 
of  your  illustrious  husband.  After  reading-  your  book, 
and  observing  the  numerous  and  manifold  evidences  of 
your  devotion,  we  cannot  help  concluding  that 


'  No  braver  dames  had  Sparta, 
No  nobler  matrons,  Rome!" 


Thanking  you  again  for  your  kindness,  and  assuring 
you  of  my  keen  appreciation  of  the  Reminicences  and 
Sketches  of  Governor  Perry,  I  am,  dear  Madam,  with 
profound  respect, 

Your  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

Jefferson  C.  Davis. 


Cabinet  of  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  May  2,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry. 

Dear  Cousin  and  Madam:  These  volumes  will  be  an 
enduring  monument  of  your  noble  qualities  of  mind  and 
heart,  as  well  as  those  of  your  lamented  husband.  Be 
assured  your  gift  will  be  appreciated  by  the  members  of 
this  society.  The  introduction  to  the  Sketches,  by  Sena- 
tor Hampton,  is  admirably  expressed.  I  am  proud  to 
have  these  works  in  our  library.  Your  husband  was 
rightly  named  Benjamin  Franklin.  He  made  the  name 
honored  and  respected  in  his  generation.  It  is  a  pleas- 
ure and  an  inspiration  to  read  his  writings.     With  sen- 


338  Letters. 

timents  of  respect  and  honor  to  yourself,  and  kind  re- 
gards to  your  daughter,  Mrs.  Beattie,  I  remain, 

Truly  yours, 

Amos  Perry, 

Librarian. 


Laurens,  S.  C,  May  2,  1889. 

Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry,  Greenville,  S.  C. 

Dear  Madam:  Permit  me  to  thank  you  for  The 
Tribute  to  Governor  Perry,  which  you  were  kind  enough 
to  send  me  a  few  days  ago.  Surely  the  love  amounting 
almost  to  adoration,  which  this  and  other  papers  given 
to  the  world  by  you  in  memoriam  of  your  deceased  hus- 
band have  evinced, could  only  be  inspired  by  the  noblest 
of  his  race,  and  will  be  a  monument  to  the  purity  and 
nobility  of  that  truly  great  man  more  enduring  than 
marble  or  brass. 

I  was  not  in  accord  politically  with  Governor  Perry 
in  ante  bellum  days,  but  the  bold,  manly  independence 
of  the  man  and  his  utter  disregard  of  the  fact  as  to 
whether  his  opinions  were  in  accord  with  the  majority 
or  whether  he  stood  alone,  challenged  my  admiration, 
and  as  I  now  look  back  upon  the  many  utterances  of 
Governor  Perry  in  those  days,  in  the  forum,  on  the 
stump,  and  through  the  public  press,  they  seem  little 
less  than  prophetic. 

I  shall  carefully  preserve  The  Tribute,  and  shall  point 
my  sons  to  Governor  Perry  as  the  "noblest  Roman  of 
them  all." 

Your  obedient  servant. 

N.  S.  Harris. 


Letters.  330 

Columbia,  S.  C,  May  6,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry  Sans  Sou a\  S.  C. 

Dear  Madam  :  I  beg  to  hand  you  the  enclosed  letters,  which  you  of 
all  persons  know  best  how  to  prize,  for  they  speak  of  him  to  whom  you 
were  all  things  while  he  lived,  to  whose  memory  you  have  consecrated 
your  remaining  years,  he  being  "dead  yet  alive." 

Yours  truly, 

Andrew  Crawford. 

State  of  South  Carolina,  Executive  Department.      \ 
Office  of  State  Superintendent  of  Education,  j" 

Columbia,  S.  C.  May  6,  1889. 
Hon.  Andrew  Crawford. 

Dear  Sir:  Do  say  to  Mrs.  Perry  for  me  how  much  1 
value  the  'k  In  Memoriam."  It  is  a  fitting  tribute  in  the 
most  proper  way  to  a  man  cast  physically,  mentally 
and  morally  in  a  great  mould.  Long  years  ago  a  young 
and  beautiful  maiden  gave  her  love  and  her  life  to  Gov- 
ernor Perry.  He  died,  but  she  living  has  illustrated 
and  adorned  the  purest  and  highest  devotion.  His 
name  and  virtues  have  been  widely  commemorated  and 
with  his  fame  is  inextricably  interwoven  the  devotion  of 
his  amiable  and  accomplished  biographer. 

Very  truly  yours, 

James  H.  Rice. 


Stnte  Library. 

Columbia,  S.  C,  April  29,  1889. 
Judge  Andrew  Crawford,  Columbia,  S.  C. 

Dear  Sir:  Permit  me  personally  and  in  my  official 
capacity,  as  State  Librarian,  to  tender  to  Mrs.  Gov- 
ernor B.  F.  Perry,  through  you.  my  grateful  acknow- 
ledgements for  the  In  Memoriam  volume  of  her  illus- 
trious husband.  It  shall  find  a  conspicuous  place  upon 
the  shelves  of  the  institution  over  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  preside. 

So  rich  in  distinguished  men  South  Carolina  well  may 
proudly  claim  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry  as  one  of  her 


340  Letters. 

grandest  and  noblest  sons.  One  whose  lofty  virtues, 
whose  high  moral  courage  the  present  and  future 
youth  of  the  State  will  do  well  to  emulate. 

Very  truly  and  respectfully  yours, 

H.  Clay  Richardson, 

State  Librarian. 


ADDRESS  OF  HON.  B.  F.  PERRY. 

BEFORE  THE 

Philophrenian  Society  of  Walhalla  Female  College, 

Oconee  County,  South  Carolina. 


DELIVERED  JUNE  24,  1879. 

Young  Ladies  of  the  Philophrenian 

Society  of  Walhalla  Female  College: 

It T  was  with  great  reluctance,  in  consequence  of  my 
age  and  infirmities,  that  I  consented  to  address 
you  on  this  interesting  occasion — the  anniversary  of 
your  society  and  the  commencement  of  your  college.  In 
my  acceptance  of  the  honor  you  conferred  on  me,  I 
stated  that  it  was  hard  for  an  old  gentleman  to  refuse 
the  request  of  young  ladies,  and  especially  the  request 
of  the  young  ladies  of  his  own  native  county.  Oconee 
is  "my  own,  my  native  land,"  and  her  people,  her 
mountains,  her  rivers,  her  magnificent  scenery  and  her 
charming  climate  are  all  endeared  to  me,  as  my  birth 
place,  with  a  thousand  reminiscences  of  home,  my  child- 
hood, and  the  graves  of  my  parents  and  kindred. 

T  congratulate  you,  young  ladies,  and  the  country  on 
the  endowment  and  organization  of  this  your  Alma 
Mater  in  the  delightful  town  of  Walhalla  (which  in 
Northern  mythology  signifies  an  "earthly  Paradise") 
and  is  surpassed  by  no  town,  village  or  city  in  the  State 
for  its  beautiful  location,  health,  climate  and  grand 
scenery.  This  prosperous  college,  with  its  corps  of  able 
and  learned  professors,  cheapness  of  boardlrnd  tuition, 
is  destined  to  attract  young  ladies  from  abroad  and 
shed  its  elevating  and  benign  influence  over  the  whole 
community,  in  all  time  to  come. 
The  Newberry  College,  for  the  education   of  young 


342  Address. 

men,  was  located  here  for  several  .years  and  afterwards 
succeeded  for  the  same  purpose  by  the  Adjrer  College. 
But  no  provision,  during  all  this  time,  was  made  for  the 
education  of  young  ladies  in  the  higher  branches  of 
learning  and  science.  T  have  always  thoughtthe  educa- 
tion of  the  female  sex  was  as  important  as  that  of  the 
other  sex.  Mothers  have  the  training  and  bringing  up 
of  their  sons  in  childhood  and  from  her  they  first  learn 
principles  of  virtue,  religion,  honor,  good  manners  and 
a,  love  of  learning.  Education  improves  and  elevates 
the  mother's  character,  adds  to  her  pleasures,  refine- 
ment and  happiness,  and  makes  her  more  competent  to 
bring  up  her  sons  and  daughters  and  inspire  their  young 
minds  with  correet  principles.  John  Randolph,  of 
Roanoke,  one  of  America's  most  brilliant  sons,  though 
eccentric,  said  in  after  life  that  he  would  have  been  aeon- 
firmed  infidel,  bat  for  the  remembrance  of  his  mother's 
taking  his  little  hands  in  hers  and  making  him  repeat 
the  Lord's  Prayer  every  night,  before  going  to  bed. 
Such  was  the  permanent  influence  of  an  educated  and 
refined  Christian  lady,  over  the  tender  heart  of  her  little 
son,  destined  to  make  such  a  figure  in  the  world  as  he 
did. 

Thirty  years  ago,  I  rode  all  through  the  counties  of 
Oconee,  Pickens,  Anderson,  Abbeville  and  Greenville, 
taking  the  testimony  of  very  aged  witnesses  in  a  great 
law-suit  then  pending  in  the  city  of  Mobile,  involving- 
several  hundred  thousand  dollars  and  the  legitimacy  of 
a  highly  respectable  family  of  young  ladies.  The 
witnesses,  who  appealed  before  me,  were  mostly  born 
before  or  during  the  revolutionary  war.  I  was  greatly 
surprised,  and  not  a  little  shocked,  to  find  that  almost 
all  of  the  old  ladies  examined,  were  unable  to  write  their 
names,  and  had  to  make  their  marks  to  their  deposi- 
tions! They  were  in  good  circumstances  and  mothers 
of  prominent  men  in  their  counties. 

But  great  progress  and  improvement  have  been  made 


Address.  343 

in  this  respect,  as  well  as  in  everything  else,  during  the 
present  century,  and  especially  within  the  last  forty  or 
fifty  years,  in  the  upper  part  of  South  Carolina.  The 
girls  have  all  been  taught  no  matter  how  poor  they 
were,  to  read  and  write  and  cipher,  through  the  bounty 
of  the  Stare.  Most  of  those  in  good  circumstances  have 
latterly  been  sent  to  high  female  schools  and  colleges. 
This  education  of  the  female  sex  is  the  highest  test  of 
the  civilization  and  refinement  of  a  community. 

Amongsr  uncivilized  and  savage  people,  the  women 
are  mere  drudges  and  beasts  of  burden  !  They  have  all 
the  hard  labor  to  perform,  whilst  their  brutal  masters 
go  "on  the  war  path,"  hunting  wild  game  or  lying  in 
their  huts  smoking  their  pipes  or  feasting  on  the  game 
brought  home  and  cooked  by  the  women !  In  demi- 
civilized  nations,  such  as  Persia;  and  Turkey,  the  female 
sex  are  brought  up  in  utter  ignorance,  the  mere  toys 
and  playthings  of  the  men,  taught  only  to  dress  and 
adorn  their  persons  to  please  their  lords,  and  live  an 
idle,  unthinking  life.  In  Mohammedan  countries,  it  iy 
doubted  whether  they  have  immortal  souls,  and  the 
Koran,  their  Bible,  makes  no  provision  for  them  in 
Paradise.  Their  places  are  supplied  in  another  world 
by  "black-eyed  houris,"  who  are  supposed  to  fill  the 
Mohammedan  heaven! 

Christianity  and  modern  civilization  alone  have  given 
woman  her  proper  status  in  society.  It  is  true,  that  in 
Grecian  and  Roman  history,  we  read  of  manj7  noble 
women,  and  some  of  them  highly  educated.  But  as  a 
general  rule  wives  were  the  veriest  slaves  of  their  hus- 
bands. In  early  times  husbands  had  the  power  of  life 
and  death  over  them,  as  well  as  their  children!  The 
most  illustrious  Grecians  and  Romans  were  in  the  habit 
of  divorcing  their  wives,  and  the  mothers  of  their  chil- 
dren, without  alleging  any  cause  except  that  they  were 
tired  of  them,  and  wished  another  wife!  Cicero  did  this, 
and  his  divorced  wife  boasted  that  she  had  been  mar- 


344  Address. 

tied  to  three  of  the  most  illustrious  Romans,  who  were 
all  three  living.  The  lending  of  a  wife  to  a  friend,  for  a 
few  years,  v\as  no  uncommon  circumstance  with  the 
Romans!  The  Grecians  did  worse  and  winked  at  a 
community  of  wives!  Plato,  the  great  philosopher  and 
moralist,  advocated  in  his  ideal  Republic,  that  wives 
should  be  in  common  with  all  citizens!  Cato,  the 
younger,  great  grandson  of  Cato  the  Censor,  lent  his 
wife  to  his  friend  Hortentius,  without  consulting  her, 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  children  to  him,  and  strength- 
ening the  bonds  of  friendship  between  these  two  illustri- 
ous Romans! 

Can  anything  show  a  more  utter  degraded  state  of 
woman  than  these  infamous  historical  facts!  It  must 
be  borne  in  mind,  too,  that  the  Grecians  and  Romans, 
at  these  periods  were  the  most  enlightened  nations  of 
the  earth.  The  one  surpassed  in  eloquence,  sculpture, 
painting  and  all  the  aesthetic  arts  and  literature  every 
people  which  had  or  have  since  existed  on  the  face  of  the 
earth.  The  other  were  the  conquerors  of  the  world,  dis- 
tinguished for  their  patriotism  and  Roman  virtues, 
enacting  and  compiling  codes  of  laws,  which,  after  the 
lapse  of  two  thousand  years,  still  govern  the  greater 
part  of  Europe,  and  have  even  improved  the  laws  of 
England  and  America.  How  much,  oh,  how  much,  is 
woman  indebted  to  Christianity  and  modern  civiliza- 
tion ! 

The  wives  of  the  Grecians  and  Romans  were  rarely- 
considered  and  treated  as  companions,  with  whom  to 
counsel  and  advise.  There  were  some  exceptions.  Aspa- 
sia,  after  being  the  mistress  of  Pericles,  became  his  wife, 
and  was  his  mentor  and  counselor  on  all  great  occa- 
sions. She  wrote  some  of  his  most  eloquent  orations. 
Socrates,  Xenophon,  Alcibiades  and  many  other  illus- 
trious Grecians,  sought  her  counsel  and  advice  and 
delighted  in  her  conversation. 

Education   enlarges  the  human  mind,  enlightens  the 


Address.  #45 

understanding,  elevates  our  feelings  and  brings  new 
sources  of  pleasure  and  happiness.  It  makes  us  better, 
more  virtuous,  more  honorable,  more  patriotic  and 
more  religious,  loving  God  and  all  his  creation  with 
more  affection  and  more  sincerity.  The  highly  culti- 
vated mind  has  innumerable  sources  of  pleasure  and 
enjoyment,  which  are  unknown  to  the  ignorant  and 
uncultivated.  For  instance,  the  study  of  astronomy 
opens  to  the  mind  interesting,  grand  and  sublime  pleas- 
ures for  thought  and  reflection.  The  ancients  believed 
that  this  earth  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  world  and  the 
sun  and  stars  revolved  around  it!  The  untutored  mind 
still  believes  this  theory.  But  science  teaches  us  that  the 
earth  turns  over  every  twenty-four  hours  and  runs 
round  the  sun  once  every  year;  that  the  sun  is  several 
hundred  thousand  times  larger  than  the  earth;  that 
every  fixed  star  is  a  sun,  like  ours,  and  some  of  them 
much  larger,  illuminating  other  worlds  like  this,  and  in 
all  probability  inhabited  by  God's  living  creatures! 

By  mathematical  calculation  we  are  taught  the  exact 
distance  of  the  sun,  moon,  planets  and  fixed  stars  from 
the  earth.  We  learn  from  science  the  nature  and  sub- 
stance of  all  these  planets,  suns  and  stars;  the  cause  of 
the  convulsions  of  the  earth  and  atmosphere,  the  torna^ 
does,  earthquakes,  forked  lightning  and  "the  thunders 
of  heaven's  artillery."  Is  there  any  one,  above  the  de- 
gree of  an  idiot,  who  would  not  feel  a  pleasure  in  know- 
ing and  investigating  these  wonders  of  the  great  uni- 
verse ! 

The  study  of  history,  too,  unfolds  to  us  the  condition 
and  action  of  past  ages  for  six  thousand  years,  and  the 
innumerable  nations  and  peoples  who  have  inhabited 
the  earth,  the  great  men  who  have  lived  on  it,  the  pro- 
gress of  the  human  mind,  the  wonderful  inventions  and 
discoveries  which  genius  has  made.  We  see  in  history 
how  ignorant  and  bad  the  world  has  been,  how  enlight- 
ened some  of  the  nations  of  the  earth  became,  and  how 


346  Address. 

powerful  they  were,  and  bow  they  relapsed  again  into 
ignorance  and  barbarism. 

I  pity,  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  the  man  or  wo- 
man who  feels  no  interest  in  learning  and  has  no  taste 
for  reading  or  study.  Such  persons  are  apt  to  seek 
vicious  pleasures  and  amusements.  The  man  goes  to 
the  grog-shop  or  gambling  table  to  kill  time  and  drive 
away  dull  care.  The  woman  goes  to  shows,  balls,  the 
theatre,  or  gads  about  and  gossips  of  her  neighbors. 

Education  is,  properly  speaking,  three-fold—  intellect- 
ual, moral  and  physical— all  equally  necessary  to  make 
a  fine  woman.  The  culture  of  the  intellect  alone  will 
not  suffice.  No  matter  how  much  learning  a  woman 
may  have,  if  she  is  wanting  in  the  cultivation  of  her 
heart  and  moral  principle,  she  can  never  gain  the  esteem 
and  affection  of  modern  society.  And  the  culture  of  the 
brain  and  heart,  without  physical  culture,  very  often 
makes  life  a  burden  of  ill  health  and  misery.  The  body 
should  be  strengthened  and  developed  as  well  as  the 
mind  and  heart.  Exercise  (walking,  riding  on  horse- 
back and  work  in  the  open  air)  is  the  only  way  this  can 
be  done  and  health  secured.  In  fashionable  and  refined 
society  this  is  greatly  neglected  by  American  ladies,  and 
dearly  do  they  pay  for  it.  Parents  and  teachers  should 
especially  attend  to  this  three-fold  education,  each 
equally  important  in  the  future  destiny  of  their  daugh- 
ters and  pupils. 

English  ladies  are  more  prudent  in  this  respect.  Cole- 
man, the  great  agriculturist,  who  went  to  England  as 
commissioner  from  Massachusetts,  tells  in  his  report  on 
the  agriculture  of  England,  of  a  high  born  Duchess,  who 
said  to  him:  "Mr.  Coleman,!  will  rake  charge  of  you 
to-day,  and  show  you  the  stock  and  farm."  He  says 
she  walked  with  him  that  morning  seven  or  eight  miles. 
Had  this  Duchess  been  an  ordinary  American  lady  she 
would  have  ordered  her  carriage  and  horses  to  make 
such  an  excursion. 

Moral  culture  includes  religion  as  well  as  morals,  and 


Address.  347 

•girls  are  easily  trained  to  follow  in  its  precepts.  The 
female  sex  are  more  inclined  to  be  religious  than  the 
male  sex.  They  are  more  confiding,  more  tender,  purer* 
and  more  loving.  A  man  may  be  skeptical  in  his  relig- 
ious views,  but  a  woman  rarely  is.  She  has  more  faith 
and  hope  and  love  in  her  composition.  Her  wisdom  is 
the  instinct  of  the  heart,  whilst  man's  is  from  reason 
and  reflection. 

As  much  as  I  prize  female  education,  and  admire  high 
intellectual  endowments,  with  great  culture  and  learn- 
ing in  a  woman,  I  am  nevertheless  unwilling  to  see  them 
pass  out  of  their  proper  sphere  and  invade  the  domain 
of  man,  by  becoming  legislators,  military  commanders, 
lawyers,  judges,  doctors  and  ministers  of  the  gospel. 
It  has  been  my  fortune  to  see  some  of  these  intellectual 
phenomena.  At  St.  Louis  I  heard  a  female  lawyer,  Miss 
Phcebe  Cousins,  address  the  National  Democratic  Con- 
vention, composed  of  seven  or  eight  hundred  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  in  America.  She  was  good  looking, 
young,  and  spoke  well,  but  I  could  but  think  she  had 
unsexed  herself  and  would  have  done  more  credit  to  her 
talents  and  learning  had  she  become  the  wife  of  some 
gentleman  and  the  mother  of  a  family  of  children.  Sev- 
eral years  since  I  met  at  the  President's,  in  Washing- 
ton, the  celebrated  Doctor  Mary  Walker,  who  was  a 
surgeon  in  the  Union  Army,  and  at  one  time  captured 
by  the  Confederates.  So  far  as  dress  was  concerned,  she 
had  completely  unsexed  herself.  She  wore  a  nice  blue 
frock  coat,  buttoned  close  around  the  waist  with  a  vest, 
pantaloons,  boots  and  a  jaunty  cap  on  her  head.  She 
was  very  handsome,  and  I  supposed,  of  course,  that  she 
was  a  young  gentleman.  1  thought  to  myself,  what  "a 
heart  breaker"  you  will  be  amongst  the  ladies.  Her 
appearance  and  manners  were  so  striking,  that.  I 
enquired  "  who  that  gentleman  was?" 

In  my  judgment,  the  Almighty  created  everything  for 
a  purpose.   He  created  man  for  one  purpose  and  woman 


348  Address. 

for  another,  and  gave  them  different  properties  and 
qualities,  suitable  to  the  purposes  for  which  he  created 
them.  He  gave  the  man  strength  and  courage,  and  to 
the  woman  he  gave  grace,  modesty,  timidity  and  phys- 
ical weakness.  The  man  was  to  provide  for  and  defend 
the  woman.  She  on  her  part  was  to  depend  on  him  and 
confide  in  him.  He  was  to  till  the  earth  and  support 
his  wife  and  household,  carry  on  business  and  com- 
merce, go  to  war,  make  useful  inventions  in  all  the  me- 
chanic arts  and  sciences.  She  was  to  nurse  the  children, 
superintend  her  household  affairs,  make  home  pleasant 
and  agreeable  and  enjoy  herself  in  ease  and  quiet.  The 
power  and  control  of  the  one  lay  in  his  strength,  coin- 
age, form,  endurance  and  intellectual  ability.  The 
power  and  influence  of  the  other  consisted  in  her  mod- 
esty, grace,  beauty  and  loveliness.  Even  her  physical 
weakness  is  a  potent  agent  in  influencing  man.  He  was 
formed  with  muscles  and  sinews  for  the  rough  and 
tumble  of  life.  She  shrinks  from  the  rude  touch  of  the 
world. 

Milton,  the  prince  of  English  poets,  beautifully  de- 
scribes the  secret  of  woman's  influence  over  man  in 
Adam's  description  of  Eve  to  the  Angel  in  the  garden  of 
Eden.     He  says: 

"Yet  when  1  approach 
Her  loveliness,  so  absolute  she  seems. 
And  in  herself  complete,  so  well  to  know 
Her  own,  that  what  she  wills  to  do  or  say, 
Seems  wisest,  virtuousest,  discreetest,  best. 
All  higher  knowledge  in  her  presence  falls 
Degraded.        *        *        * 
Authority  and  reason  on  her  wait." 

The  modern  advocates  of  "woman's  rights,"  as  they 
are  absurdly  termed,  are  endeavoring  to  pervert  the 
laws  of  nature  and  change  the  purposes  of  God  in  his 
creation  of  man  and  woman.  The  modesty  and  timid- 
ity of  woman  forbids  her  going  into  battle  and  living  in 
the  tented  fields.    If  she  desired  to  do  so,  her  very  weak- 


Address.  349 

riess  and  frajjiteforni  would  prevent  her.  The  rearing 
of  her  children  and  household  duties  would  render  such 
a  thing  impossible.  Nor  is  she  more  competent -to  en- 
gage directly  in  the  government  of  her  country.  It  is 
true  she  might  engage  most  successfully  in  an  election- 
eering canvass,  as  the  beautiful  and  accomplished 
Duchess  of  Devonshire  did  in  the  cause  of  Charles  James 
Fox.  But  how  would  a.  female  legislator  look  seated  in 
the  Senate  Chamber  of  the  United  States  with  a  baby  in 
her  arms!  or  in  a  jury  box  nursing  an  infant  to  keep  it 
quiet  whilst  the  learned  judge  was  charging  the  jury! 

Women's  influence  is  best  exercised  on  all  occasions, 
public  and  private,  by  those  loving  charms  and  tender, 
winning  ways,  which  nature  has  given  her  so  bountiful- 
ly. In  this  way  many  a  wife  governs  her  husband  and 
through  him  the  politics  of  the  country.  The  great 
Themistocles  said  that  he  governed  Athens  and  his  wife 
governed  him.  A  great  many  husbands  who  govern 
and  rule  in  modern  times  might  say  the  same  thing.  A 
new  England  pedagogue  once  boasted  that  old  Samuel 
Adams  ruled  Massachusetts,  his  wife  ruled  him,  her  lit- 
tle son  ruled  her,  and  he  ruled  thelittleson  :  'therefore," 
said  he,  "I  govern  Massachusetts." 

I  admit  that  there  are  many  women  superior  intellec- 
tually to  men.  But  as  a  general  rule  this  is  not  the 
case,  and  it  was  not  intended  to  be  so  by  the  Almighty, 
when  he  created  man  and  woman.  Morally.  I  do  believe 
they  are  superior  to  man,  and  greatly  so.  Physically, 
they  are  unquestionably  inferior.  And  yetitdoes  some- 
times happen  that  a  women  is  stronger  than  man.  But 
there  are  exceptions,  intellectually  and  physically,  to 
the  general  rule.  Madame  de  Stael  was  greatly  su- 
perior to  most  of  thejrreat  men  who  figured  in  the  French 
Revolution.  She  once  asked  Bonaparte  who  he  thought 
was  the  greatest  woman  in  France.  She  wished  and  ex- 
pected him  to  say  that  she  herself  was  the  greatest  wo- 
man  in    France.      But   Napoleon,    who  could   conquer 


#50  Address. 

kingdoms  and  empires  and  divide  them  out  amongst 
hie  brothers  and  sisters,  and  kindred,  as  a  Carolina 
planter  formerly  did  his  slaves  and  lands  between  his 
children,  had  none  of  the  feelings  and  instincts  of  a  gen- 
tleman or  the  courtesy  of  a  high-born  chevalier,  and  he 
replied  :  "She,  mad  a  me,  who  has  borne  the  most  sons  to 
France!" 

It  is  a  most  lamentable  fact  that  literary  women  have 
not  been  happy  or  fortunate  in  their  domestic  lives. 
Madame  I)e  Stael  was  not,  though  twice  married.  Mad- 
ame Lewes,  better  known  as  "George  Eliot,"  the  great- 
est of  living  novelists  and  writers  of  fiction,  became  the 
mistress  of  a  married  man  !  George  Sand,  a  female  wri- 
ter of  distinguished  ability  in  France,  did  worse.  Lady 
Bulwer  separated  from  her  husband!  Mrs.  Jameson, 
an  able  and  pious  writer,  did  the  same.  Fanny  Fern 
was  divorced  and  married  again.  Miss  Kemble,  Miss 
Florence  Marryat,  ladies  of  high  literary  attainments, 
and  many,  very  many  others,  equally  distinguished  in 
the  paths  of  literature,  were  unhappy  in  their  marriages 
and  separated  from  their  husbands.  Judge  Butler  was 
once  asked  by  a  bas  bleu  how  he  would  like  to  marry  a 
literary  lady.  He  replied  as  readily  as  did  Napoleon  to 
Madame  de  Stael— "I  would  as  soon  think  of  marrying 
a  dictionary,"  was  his  answer. 

1  do  not  say  these  things,  young  ladies,  to  discourage 
you  in  your  studies.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  do  so.  But 
I  do  insist  on  your  following  the  advice  of  the  wise  and 
good  Fenelon,  the  purest  and  most  eloquent  of  all  the 
Roman  Catholic  Bishops  in  France.  In  his  beautiful 
essay  on  "The  Education  of  Girls,"  he  says:  "Let  your 
education  be  such  as  tends  to  prepare  you  forthe  duties 
of  life,  and  the  condition  and  place  where  you  are  to 
pass  your  life.  If  a  girl  is  to  live  in  the  country,  her 
mind  should  be  formed  for  the  pleasures  of  the  coun- 
try." 

In  all  probability  marriage  will  be  the  destiny  of  all 


Address.  351 

of  you.  It  is  the  natural  state  of  man  and  woman  and 
was  so  intended  by  the  Almighty  in  his  creation  of  the 
world.  A  friend  of  mine,  who  v  as  addressing  an  accom- 
plished young  lady  whom  he  afterwards  married,  told 
me  that  his  brother's  wife  asked  him  during  his  court- 
ship how  he  was  getting  on.  He  replied  that  he  did  not 
think  the  young  lady  wished  to  get  married  at  all.  His 
sister-in-law  said  "she  may  not  wish  to  marry  you,  but 
I  never  yet  saw  a  young  girl  who  did  not  wish  to  marry, 
provided  a  suitable  offer  was  made."  This  was  the 
opinion  of  a  very  sensible  married  lady  who  had  seen 
and  known  a  good  deal  of  the  world. 

But  my  advice  to  you,  young  ladies,  is,  not  to  get 
married  before  you  are  twenty-one  years  old,  and  never 
marry  a  young  man  till  his  character  is  well  formed  and 
established.  You  are  not  capable  before  you  are  twenty- 
one  years  old  of  taking  charge  of  a  family  and  mana- 
ging prudently  and  satisfactorily  your  household.  The 
cares  and  responsibilities  of  a  married  life  are  very  great, 
too  great  for  a  miss  in  her  teens  to  assume.  Before  a 
young  man's  character  is  well  formed  and  established 
in  life  you  can  never  tell  what  he  will  be.  He  may  be  a 
very  steady,  promising  fellow  at  twenty-two  or  three 
and  turn  out  a  drunkard— an  idle  loafer  or  spendthrift. 
Be  not  in  a  hurry  to  marry  any  one.  Love  at  first  sight 
is  a  dangerous  thing  and  you  may  repent  it  all  your 
life. 

Hasty  weddings,  where  the  parties  are  not  well  ac- 
quainted with  each  other,  are  very  apt  to  produce  dis- 
appointments, which  lead  to  quarrels  and  separation. 
A  great  many  divorces  are  caused  in  this  way— incom- 
patibility of  temper  and  manners  and  enjoyments.  In 
Prussia  there  were  three  thousand  divorces  granted  in 
one  year,  and  perhaps  as  many  in  the  United  States. 
In  the  New  England  States  it  has  been  ascertained  that 
there  is  one  divorce  in  every  thirteen  marriages,  besides 
many  other  separations  of  man  and  wife   who  are  not 


.'*52  Address. 

divorced.  It  is  .said,  in  Chicago,  that  an  acquaintance 
of  a  married  lady  never  knows  by  what  name  to  address 
her  after  being-  absent  from  the  city  five  or  six  months, 
[n  that  time  she  may  have  been  divorced  and  married 
again  !  To  the  honor  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
and  Catholic  countries,  divorces  are  not  allowed.  In 
South  Carolina  for  three  hundred  years,  and  until  the 
State  fell  under  infamous  Radical  rule,  no  divorce  was 
ever  granted.  And  to  the  honor  of  our  last  Legislature 
the  act  allowing  di voices  was  repealed. 

There  is  a  class  of  young  gentlemen  I  would  caution 
the  ladies  against.  They  are  exquisites,  dandies,  who 
think  themselves  handsome  and  are  deeply  in  love 
with  their  own  beauty,  so  much  so,  that  they  have  not 
room  in  their  hearts  to  love  any  one  else.  A  humorous 
gentleman  once  said  to  me.  pointing  to  a  beau  of  this 
description  :  "That  fellow  ought  to  be  extremely  happy, 
for  he  is  desperately  in  love  with  himself  and  has  no  ri- 
val!" 

It  is  said,  on  philosophical  principles,  that  opposites 
are  apt  to  love  each  other,  and  observation  would  rath- 
er tend  to  establish  this  philosophical  principle.  How 
often  do  we  see  a  grave  and  silent  gentleman  select  as 
his  wife  a  gay,  lively  and  frolicsome  lady?  Have  you 
never  seen  a  talented  and  intellectual  woman  mated 
with  a  dull  and  stupid  husband?  Tall  and  slender 
young  men  are  very  apt  to  fall  in  love  with  short,  fat, 
bouncing  girls.  I  have  often  seen  a  very  beautiful  lady 
married  to  a  very  homely  gentleman  ;  an  old  man,  with 
a  young  wife:  a  fragile,  amiable  and  delicate  woman, 
with  a  rough,  passionate  and  large  man.  A  stranger 
might  suppose  that  such  couples  were  mis-matched,  but 
their  lives  will  prove  that  they  lived  happily  and  lov- 
ingly together. 

Great  men  intellectually,  great  statesmen,  orators 
and  authors  have  generally  married  women  not  at  all 
remarkable  for  their  talents  or  intellectual  endowments. 


Address.  353 

and  hence  their  robs  are  seldom  distinguished.  It  is  a 
remarkable  fact  that  all  great  men  have  had  great 
mothers.  They  may  not  have  been  educated  or  learned 
women,  but  they  were  great  by  nature.  Lord  Bacon 
and  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  two  of  the  highest  intellect- 
ual men  the  world  ever  produced,  had  mothers  remark- 
able for  their  intellectual  endxnvments.  George  Wash- 
ington and  Dr.  Franklin,  the  most  eminent  of  all  Amer- 
ica's distinguished  sons,  had  mothers  highly  gifted  by 
nature.  I  might  go  on  and  enumerate  hundreds  of 
other  instances.  But  I  do  not  remember  a  single  in- 
stance of  a  great  man  being  born  of  an  ordinary  and 
weak  woman  intellectually. 

My  observation  and  reading  have  strongly  impressed 
my  mind  with  the  belief  that  sons  inherit  more  of  the 
intellectual  qualities  of  the  mother  than  of  the  father; 
and  that  daughters  inherit  from  their  father  in  a  great 
measure  his  intellectual  qualities  and  personal  resem- 
blance. 

You  must  not  think,  my  young  friends,  that  when  you 
leave  this  seminary  of  learning,  after  having  accom- 
plished your  studies  in  philosophy,  belles-lettres,  rhet- 
oric and  all  the  sciences,  your  education  is  completed. 
The  most  important  duties  of  life,  those  duties  which 
are  to  fit  you  for  being  placed  at  the  head  of  a  family. 
you  have  yet  to  learn.  They  will  be  taught  you  by 
your  mothers  at  home.  I  know  the  household  duties 
are  humble  and  homely,  when  compared  to  music, 
painting  and  drawing;  but  a  knowledge  of  them  is  more 
useful  and  more  important  to  a  good  wife  and  good 
mother  than  all  these  accomplishments.  Learn  to  keep 
house,  prepare  the  meals  for  the  family  and  to  make 
your  own  dresses.  You  must  learn  economy  and  avoid 
all  extravagance. 

Fenelon  says:  "With  regard  to  dress  we  must  en- 
deavor to  inspire  girls  with  moderation.  True  wisdom 
consists  in  our  never  displaying  in  our  dress  or  our 


354  Address. 

equipage  anything  remarkable;  let  there  be  nothing  fiv 
their  dress  like  affectation.  We  must  endeavor  to  in- 
spire them  with  compassion  forthe  poor  and  show  them 
the  sfn  of  those  who  only  live  for  themselves  and  refuse 
to  give  to  those  who  suffer."  He  also  says  you  must 
always  and  at  at  all  times  appear  neat  In  your  dress, 
not  only  before  marriage,  but  after  marriage.  That 
neatness  and  beauty  of  appearance,  which  may  have 
won  your  husband's  heart,  may  be  essential  in  retaining 
his  love  in  after  life.  President  Jefferson  advised,  asyon 
grow  older,  you  should  be  more  circumspect  as  to  your 
dress,  in  order  to  conceal  the  effects  of  age  and  the  rav- 
ages of  time  on  beauty  and  loveliness.  Lord  Chester- 
field, who  undertook  to  instruct  the  world  on  politeness 
and  good  manners,  says  that  carelessness  and  indiffer- 
ence about  one's  dress  shows  a  want  of  respect  for  soci- 
ety, friends  and  associates. 

The  experience  of  every  one  is,  that  women  are  more 
compassionate,  more  kind  and  more  charitable  than 
men.  The  great  American  traveler,  Ledyard,  who 
passed  over  the  world  on  foot,  pays  a  most  eloquent  and 
glowing  compliment  to  woman  in  his  book  of  travels 
for  her  kindness,  benevolence  and  charity.  In  all  of  his 
wanderings  amongst  savage  and  civilized  people  he  had 
never  been  treated  unkindly  by  woman,  when  asking 
charity  or  assistance;  but  had  been  frequently  rudely 
repulsed  by  men. 

Let  me  impress  on  your  minds,  young  ladies,  that  in- 
dustry and  employment  are  absolutely  necessary  to 
your  happiness  and  contentment  in  life.  Idleness  is 
always  productive  of  mischief  and  discontent.  You 
must  have  something  to  do  and  something  to  look  for- 
ward to,  something  to  hope  for  from  what  you  are 
doing.  Your  leisure  time  in  the  discharge  of  your  do- 
mestic and  social  duties  should  be  spent  in  reading  and 
acquiring  useful  information  and  knowledge  from  good 
books.     Do  not  waste  your  time  over  silly,  fashionable 


Admiess.  355 

novels  and  ephemeral  trash  which  now  floods  the  world. 
Let  your  reading  be  history,  biography,  travels,  stand- 
ard poetry  and  religious  books.  Novel  reading  unfits 
your  mind  for  graver  studies  and  tills  your  thoughts 
with  romantic  notions  which  never  can  be  realized.  Life 
is  too  short  to  read  everything,  and  therefore  make  a 
judicious  selection. 

If  you  will  read  novels,  however,  let  me  entreat  you  to 
read  standard  novels,  such  as  Sir  Walter  Scott's,  thick- 
ens', Bulwer's,  Cooper's  and  Simm's.  The  last  named 
writer  of  fiction  and  poetry  has  done  for  South  Carolina 
what  Sir  Walter  Scott  did  for  Scotland— illustrated  the 
history,  scenery,  manners  and  customs  of  Carolina  in 
her  provincial  days,  and  hence  his  novels  are  dear  to  all 
Carolinians.  I  would  commend  to  your  reading,  instead 
of  novels,  Miss  Strickland's  lives  of  the  Queens  of  Eng- 
land and  Scotland,  Plutarch's  lives  of  the  eminent  Gre- 
cians and  Romans,  and  Parton's  works  are  all  deeply 
interesting.  The  family  library  compovsed  of  histories, 
biographies,  travels  and  science,  arts  and  literature,  the 
sermons  of  Blair,  Hall,  Tillotson  andMassalon,  Shakes- 
peare and  the  Bible.  Such  reading  will  store  your  minds 
with  good,  useful,  moral  and  religious  learning,  instead 
of  fiction,  love  stories  and  nonsense.  It  will  prepare 
you  for  the  active  duties  of  this  life  and  fit  you  for  the 
world  to  come. 

It  is  said  in  the  Scriptures  that  we  are  all  sinful  by  na- 
ture, and  the  grand  object  of  life  should  be  to  restrain 
and  suppress  our  evil  propensities  and  passions.  The 
sooner  we  commence  this  habit  the  more  likely  we  are 
to  be  successful.  Always  try  like  a  good  Christian  and 
noble  minded  woman  to  curb  your  tempers, your  anger, 
your  envy,  your  hatred  and  jealousy. 

Governor  Hayne,  one  of  South  Carolina's  most  emi- 
nent sons,  and  distinguished  through  life  for  his  wisdom 
and  practical  good  sense,  once  said  to  me  that  the  two 
first  requisites  in  a  wife  were  good  health  and  goodtem- 


356  '  t    p  Address 

per.  Wha^li&^fiiess  can  a  husband  reasonably  expect 
when  his  wife  is  always  in  bad  health  and  incapable  of 
enjoying  lifeor  the  society  of  her  friends  and  family?  You 
should  therefore  most  carefully  attend  to  your  health 
and  invigorating  your  constitution.  This  you  should 
do,  as  I  have  already  advised,  by  taking  exercise  in  the 
open  air.  Nine-tenths  of  the  young  ladies  in  delicate 
health  have  brought  it  on  by  neglect  in  this  respect. 
They  grow7  up  like  hothouse  plants,  never  taking  health- 
ful exercise  and  indulging  in  all  the  dissipations  of  fash- 
ionable life. 

In  regard  to  bad  temper,  we  may  be  born  with  it,  and 
therefore  not  so  much  to  blame  for  possessing  it.  But 
we  are  inexcusable  for-  not  endeavoring  to  control  it 
whilst  young.  By  indulging  ill  temper  on  all  occasions 
we  make  ourselves  miserable  and  all  about  us  unhappy. 
Tt  is  said  that  Washington  was  a  man  of  high  temper 
and  very  passionate  in  his  feelings,  but  he  learned  to 
control  himself  and  always  appeared  calm,  serene  and 
dignified.  Socrates,  the  great  philosopher  of  antiquity, 
said  he  was  a  bad  man  by  nature,  but  he  controlled  his 
evil  passions  and  propensities  and  became  an  exemplar 
of  morality  and  virtue. 

In  a  great  measure  our  happiness  in  this  life  depends 
on  ourselves.  There  are  some  persons  who  would  not 
be  satisfied  under  any  circumstances,  and  there  are 
others  who  will  be  happy  and  contented  no  matter  what 
their  lot  may  be  in  this  life.  We  should  not  repine  for 
for  things  which  we  cannot  have  or  envy  those  who 
have  them.  If  disappointments  and  misfortunes  over- 
take us,  we  should  bear  them  philosophically  and  not 
fret  and  worry  over  them.  A  true  philosophical  mind, 
always  calm  and  serene,  is  worth  more  than  a  fortune, 
or  all  the  honors  and  distinctions  we  could  possibly  at- 
tain, so  far  as  our  happiness  is  concerned  in  this  world. 

Now,  young  ladies,  in  concluding  my  prosy  address, 
let  me  entreat  you  to  cultivate  your  amiability  and 


Address. 

your  affectionate  dispositions,  be  dutiful  to  your  parents, 
kind  to  your  friends  and  associates,  civil  and  courteous 
to  all  persons,  obedient  and  respectful  to  your  teachers 
and  professors.  Never  give  offense  to  any  one  and  be 
not  hasty  to  resent  any  slight  or  offense  shown  you. 

There  is  great  magnanimity  in  passing  over  in  silence. 

or  not  noticing  any  want  of  courtesy  which   may  be 

shown  you.     Beware  of  tale  bearers  under  the  guise  of 

riendship.     They  are  mischievous  associates  or  friends. 

Practice  economy  and  industry.  He  neat  always  and 
at  all  times  in  your  dress,  but  never  extravagant.  Take 
abundant  exercise  in  the  open  air  and  invigorate  your 
constitutions.  Health  is  the  greatest  blessing  of  life. 
Never  seek  admiration  or  aspire  to  be  belles  and  fritter 
away  your  hearts  on  a  multitude  of  beaux.  I  have  the 
same  opinion  of  a  fashionable  belle  that  I  expressed  for 
an  exquisite.  She  is  always  seeking  admiration  and  so 
much  in  love  with  herself  that  she  has  no  heart  for  any 
one  else.  A  friend  of  mine,  now  living  in  this  county, 
once  said  to  me  that  a  fashionable  belle  in  society 
always  reminded  him  of  an  old  man's  description  of  his 
horse  in  a  pasture.  He  said  the  horse  was  "hard  to 
catch  and  not  worth  much  when  he  was  caught."  Just 
so  with  a  gay,  fashionable  belle.  She  is  hard  to  catch 
and  not  worth  much,  as  a  wife,  when  she  is  caught. 

I  now  bid  you  farewell,  young  ladies,  thanking  you  for 
the  honor  you  have  done  me  in  asking  me  to  address 
you  on  this  occasion.  I  have  done  so  plainly  and  truth- 
fully, without  attempting  any  figures  of  rhetoric  or 
flowers  of  eloquence,  for  they  are  foreign  to  my  nature; 
earnestly  hoping  that  you  may  remember  some  of  the 
advice  given  yon,  and  that  your  lives  may  be  pros- 
perous and  happy,  that  you  may  safely  return  to  your 
homes  and  parents,  and  in  due  time  have  steady,  in- 
dustrious, honorable  and  loving  husbands— Adieu. 


JOINING  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 


Written   by  Governor  B.  F.  Perry,  July  8,  1880,  on  occasion  of  a  public- 
meeting  in   South  Carolina,  when  a  proposition  was  made,  that 
Democrats  should  break  up  the  Solid  South  and 
ioin  the  Republican  party.] 

I  LL  the  Democratic  fools  are  not  dead  yet,  and 
j|  some  of  the  Democratic  knaves  are  also  still 
living.  Every  now  and  then,  since  the  Presidential  elec- 
tion, we  hear  suggestions  from  these  politicians  that  the 
great  Democratic  party  should  be  broken  up  and  new 
parties  organized.  They  seem  to  forget,  or  pretend  not 
to  know,  that  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party  are 
inherent  in  the  nature  of  our  Republican  government 
and  essential  to  its  existence.  Honesty  and  an  econom- 
ical administration  of  the  Republic  is  one  cardinal 
principle  of  Democracy.  The  appointment  of  competent 
and  faithful  public  servants  in  all  the  departments  of 
government  is  another.  The  people  are  the  source  of  all 
power  and  honor  in  a  Republic  as  the  Sovereign  is  in  a 
despotism.  A  rigid  construction  and  adherence  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  several  States  of  the  United  States 
must  be  sacredly  observed  in  order  to  maintain  our 
complex  form  of  government.  No  invasion  of  the  limited 
powers  of  the  General  Government  or  the  reserved 
rights  of  the  States  should  be  tolerated.  Everyone 
should  be  protected  in  his  life,  liberty,  property  and  re- 
ligion. 

On  these  fundamental  principles  the  Democratic  party 
ad  ministered  the  Federal  Government  for  more  than  fifty 
years,  and  the  United  States  prospered,  flourished  and 
increased  more  than  any  nation  ever  did  before  in  the 
history  of  the  world.  In  an  evil  hour,  the  government 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  old  Federal  party,  under  the 


Joining  the  Republican  Party  .  359 

false  name  of  Republican.  This  party,  repudiating  all 
compromise  and  in  violation  of  the  sacred  principles  of 
American  Independence,  involved  the  country  in  a  cruel, 
bloody  civil  war,  at  the  sacrifice  of  five  hundred  thousand 
heroic  men  and  billions  of  property!  They  then 
established,  in  violation  of  the  Constitution,  which  they 
had  sworn  to  protect  and  defend,  the  most  odious  and 
revolting-  tyranny  that  ever  disgraced  a  civilized  people. 
The  Caucasion  race  in  one-half  of  the  Union  was  disfran- 
chised and  placed  under  the  government  of  their  enfran- 
chised African  slaves!  The  most  unprincipled  adven- 
turers from  the  North  were  sent  South  to  assist  the 
ignorant  semi-savage  negroes  in  the  government  of 
their  former  masters!  An  army  of  soldiers  was  scat- 
tered all  over  this  down-trodden  and  oppressed  country , 
to  keep  in  subjection  a  refined  and  proud-spirited  peo- 
ple, and  to  rob  and  plnnder  their  possessions! 

In  the  course  of  eight  or  ten  long,  dreadful  years,  thih 
frightful  black  government,  through  the  mercies  of  God, 
fell  by  its  own  corruption  and  ignorance.  Democratic 
principles  were  once  more  in  the  ascendant  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress  and  with  a  majority  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States  Tilden,  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
President,  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  three  hundred 
thousand  votes.  But  the  Republican  party,  by  the 
grossest  frauds  and  perjuries,  succeeded  in  repudiating 
the  voice  of  the  American  people  and  established  Hayes 
in  the  Presidency!  Four  years  afterwards  the  Demo- 
cratic party  presented  as  their  candidate  for  President, 
General  Hancock,  of  Pennsylvania,  a  gallant  soldier,  a 
wise  statesman,  and  a  noble  gentleman  and  patriot. 
suns  puer,  et  sans  reproche.  He  was  beaten  by  the  Re- 
publican candidate,  whose  character  was  smirched  all 
over  by  his  own  party  in  former  years  with  bribery,  cor- 
ruption and  perjury! 

But  in  this  contest  the  Democrats  were  defeated  by 
only  three  thousand  votes  in  more  than  nine  millions  of 


360  Joining  the  Republican  Party. 

votes  which  were  polled  at  the  election!  Their  candi- 
date actually  received  several  hundred  thousand  more 
white  votes  than  the  Republican  candidate.  If  the  elec- 
tion had  depended  on  the  white  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  Hancock  would  have  been  elected  by  more  than 
half  a  million  of  votes:  but  for  the  thirty  thousand 
negro  votes  in  New  York,  that  great  State  would  have 
given  him  a  handsome  majority,  notwithstanding  all 
the  money  spent  there  in  purchasing  votes  and  all  the 
exertions  of  wealthy  manufacturers  in  bull-dozing  their 
poor  operatives. 

It  is  a  great  mistake  to  say  the  North  was  solid  for 
the  Republican  party.  In  a  million  of  votes  cast  in 
New  York,  Garfield  received  only  a  majority  of  fifteen  or 
twenty  thousand  including  the  colored  vote  of  thirty 
thousand.  In  Indiana,  there  was  only  a  majority  of 
five  orsix  thousand,  in  seven  or  eight  hundred  thousand. 
In  Connecticut  and  Maine  a  still  smaller  majority.  New 
Jersey  gave  a  Democratic  majority  and  so  did  Delaware. 
California  did  the  same.  The  Democrats  polled  several 
hundred  thousand  votes  in  Ohio,  Illinois  and  many 
other  Northern  States.  Why,  then,  is  it  said  the  North 
is  solid  against  Democracy  and  the  South?  There  is  no 
truth  in  it.  If  ever  there  was  a  party  entitled  to  the 
gratitude  of  their  allies,  the  northern  Democracy  are 
entitled  to  the  unbounded  gratitude  of  every  Southern 
Democrat.  They  have  stood  steadfast  to  their  princi- 
ples, at  the  sacrifice  of  their  personal  interest  and  am- 
bition. They  have  foregone  all  political  honors  and 
office  for  their  principles  and  love  of  an  honest  and  pure 
government.  Their  patriotism  shines  brighter  and  is 
more  disinterested  than  that  of  Southern  Democrats. 
We  were  fighting  in  self  defence  as  well  as  for  principle 
whilst  they  were  fighting  for  principle  alone;  their 
personal  rights,  security  and  civil  liberty  were  in 
no  danger.  Under  these  circumstances,  I  say  boldly, 
that  the   treason   of  Benedict  Arnold   was    not   more 


Joining  the  Republican  Party.  361 

infamous  than  would  be  our  desertion  of  the  Northern 
Democracy.  It  would  not  only  be  infamous,  but  suici- 
dal. 

In  all  earnestness,  I  would  ask  these  Democratic  fools 
and  knaves  what  benefit  the  Southern  Democracy  would 
gain  by  abandoning-  their  party,  their  principles,  their 
friends,  and  the  friends  of  an  honest,  economical  ad- 
ministration of  the  Federal  Government,  and  go  overto 
the  Republican  party — a  party  from  whom  they  have 
never  received  anything  but  insult  and  injury— a  party 
which  put  them  under  a  negro  government  at  home  and 
protected  that  government  with  Federal  bayonets  in 
robbing,  plundering  and  dishonoring  them — a  party 
which  has  stolen  from  them  the  Presidency  and  ad- 
ministered the  Federal  government  for  the  last  twenty 
years,  fraudulently  and  corruptly — a  party  whose  sole 
aim  seems  to  be  to  convert  the  American  Republic  into 
a  splendid  Empire  with  a  President  for  life!!  The  only 
advantage  that  I  can  see  would  be  that  some  of  these 
foolish  and  corrupt  advocates  of  so  monstrous  and  un- 
natural a  proposition  might  be  rewarded  with  Federal 
office  for  their  treason  and  hishonor! 

Let  the  great  and  patriotic  Democratic  party  of  the 
United  States  stand  fast  by  their  principles  and  they 
will  achieve  success  four  years  hence,  under  their  illustri- 
ous standard-bearer,  General  Winfield  Scott  Hancock* 
He  was  beaten  only  three  thousand  votes,  as  I  have 
already  said,  in  a  vote  of  upward  of  nine  millions. 
Four  years  more  of  Republican  rule  will  bring  the 
American  people  to  their  senses. 

Note.— They  did  achieve  success  under  Grover  Cleveland. 


.:....     .■■v.:     •:■■,     ,::':':. 


ADDRESS 


DELIVERED 


Before  the  Female  College,  Reidville,  Spartanburg  County,  S,  L  Juna  11  \l 


BY  GOVERNOR  B.  F.  PERRY. 


[The  last  speech  made   by  Governor   Perry  on   any  important  occasion 
when  he  was  in  his  seventy-seventh  year.] 

Reidville,  S.  C,  May  10,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry. 

Dear  Madam  :  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  the  volume  of  Biographical 
Sketches  of  Eminent  Statesmen,  with  Speeches,  Addresses  and  Letters 
of  your  honored  husband,  presented  to  me  at  your  beautiful  home,  Sans 
Souci,  and  also  for  the  volume  donated  to  the  library  of  our  Female  Col- 
lege. I  have  read  it  with  great  interest  and  profit.  I  value  it  not  only 
for  its  intrinsic  worth,  containing  so  much  valuable  information,  clearly 
und  elegantly  expressed  in  good  style,  but  as  the  production  of  a  friend 
whom  I  have  always  admired  as  a  model  citizen,  lawyer  and  statesman, 
having  the  courage  to  follow  his  convictions  of  right,  truth  and  duty, 
maintaining  a  high,  spotless  character,  above  the  reproach  even  of  \x\sene- 
mies.  Permit  me  to  say  that  you  are  doing  a  good  thing  for  the  young  men 
of  the  State  in  publishing  Governor  Perry's  works.  The  story  of  his  life 
is  as  interesting  as  a  novel,  and  forms  a  large  part  of  the  political  history 
of  the  State  during  the  period  of  his  active  life.  Through  your  devoted 
and  loving  labors,  "  he  being  dead,"  will  continue  to  speak  to  coming 
ages,  thoughts  that  will  never  lose  their  interest  and  freshness.  I  can 
truthfully  say  of  Governor  Perry  what  Dr.  Thornvvell  said  of  John  C. 
Calhoun:  "If  God  Almighty  ever  made  a  man,  and  set  his  seal  upon 
him,  that  he  had  made  a  man — that  man  was  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry." 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

R.  H.  Reid. 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  : 

T  THE  commencement  of  the  South  Carolina  Col- 
lege,  thirty-five  or  six  years  since,  I  was  seated  on 
the  platform  of  the  chapel  with  Colonel  Wade  Hampton, 


Address.  363 

Governor  Allston,  Judge  Whitner,  and  other  trustees 
of  the  college  listening  to  the  addresses  of  the  graduates, 
when  one  of  them,  a  tall,  slender  youth  mounted  the 
rostrum  to  deliver  his  valedictory.  The  first  words  he 
uttered  with  a  trembling  voice,  were  characterized  with 
so  much  earnestness  and  sincerity  of  tone,  that  our 
attention  was  attracted  to  him,  and  we  listened  with 
thrilling  interest  to  his  eloquent  and  appropriate  ad- 
dress, and  predicted  for  him  a  brilliant  career  at  the 
bar  and  in  politics.  But  we  were  informed  that  his 
wishes  and  ambition  were  for  a  higher  and  holier  voca- 
tion. He  cared  not  for  popular  honors  and- distinction, 
but  chose  rather  to  exert  his  talents,  eloquence  and 
learning  in  the  ministry,  where  he  thought  his  ability 
md  usefulness  would  be  productive  of  greater  good  to 
his  fellow  men.  Time  passed  on,  and  1  understood  that 
this  young  graduate  had  entered  the  ministry  and  built 
up  a  most  flourishing  high  school  for  female  education 
at  this  place,  which  was  named  in  honor  of  him,  and 
where  young  ladies  from  Florida,  Georgia,  South  Caro- 
lina, Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  came  to  be  instructed 
in  the  higher  branches  of  learning  and  science,  as  well  as 
religion  and  virtue.  I  have  been  invited  by  this  gentle- 
man, the  Rev.  R.  H.  Reid,  at  the  request  of  the  Board 
of  Trustees  of  the  Reidville  Academy,  to  address  you  on 
the  present  occasion.  In  doing  so,  1  am  afraid,  ladies 
and  gentleman,  that  you  will  be  disappointed  in  the 
subject  of  my  discourse.  Instead  of  an  elaborate  essay  on 
female  education,  showing  the  importance  in  relation  to 
society  and  Christian  civilization,  of  imbuing  the  minds 
of  our  daughters,  as  well  as  our  sons,  with  all  the  learn- 
ing in  the  higher  branches  of  education.  I  shall  give 
you  "The  Past,  the  Present  and  Future  of  South1 
Carolina."  ' 

In  my  acceptance  of  the  invitation  to  deliver  an  ad* 
dress  at  the  present  commencement    of  the  Reidville 


364  Address. 

Academy,  I  intimated  as  much  to  the  principal  of  the 
school,  and  he  acquiesced  in  it. 

The  subject  is  a  grand  one  and  I  have  found  it  too 
grand  and  extensive  for  an  address  of  this  character. 
To  do  it  justice  would  require  volumes  instead  of  a  few 
pages,  and  the  pen  of  a  Prescott  or  Bancroft.  I  can 
only  glance  at  some  of  its  prominent  features.  We  all 
love  the  old  Palmetto  State,  as  we  love  our  mother,  and 
venerate  her  high  and  proud  character.  We  delight  to 
recall  her  glorious  historic  events,  as  a  colony  and  as  a 
State.  And  we  feel  a  pride  in  naming  her  brilliant  and 
devoted  sons,  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  in  the  war 
of  1812,  in  the  Mexican  war,  and  in  the  war  of  our  Lost 
Confederacy .  We  have  equal  pride,  too,  in  recalling  the 
wisdom,  ability,  eloquence,  and  patriotism  of  her 
statesmen  in  our  national  assemblies  and  in  our  State 
Legislatures,  the  learning  and  purity  of  her  judges  and 
public  officers,  as  well  as  the  genius  displayed  by  her 
sons  and  daughters  in  the  field  of  literature. 

After  mature  consideration  arid  serious  reflection,  I 
entertain  the  most  sanguine  hopes,  my  friends,  that  the 
future  of  our  beloved  State  will  be  as  bright  and  pros- 
perous as  her  last  decade  has  been  wretched  and  infa- 
mous. That  black,  lowering  cloud  which  hovered  over 
her  horizon  for  eight  long,  terrible  years,  has  been  dis- 
persed, and  once  more  a  bright,  genial  sun  illumines  her 
political  firmament.  We  have  suffered  socially,  finan- 
cially and  politically  as  no  civilized  people  ever  did  in 
this  Christian  age.  Our  State  Government  was  the  most 
infamous,  oppressive  and  corrupt  known  in  the  annals 
of  history.  Under  the  despotic  and  cruel  rule  of  our 
national  government,  in  utter  disregard  of  all  Repub- 
lican principles  and  constitutional  rights,  we  were  dis- 
franchised, deprived  of  self-government,  and  our  former- 
slaves,  ignorant  and  semi-savage,  were  placed  over  us. 
Jed  on  by  the  most  unprincipled  adventurers,  black  and 
white,  from  the  North,  assisted  by  a  few  of  the  meanest 


Address.  365 

and  most  an  principled  of  our  native  citizens.     All  our 

just  rights,  social  and  political,  were  utterly  ignored, 
our  property  confiscated  by  extravagant  and  enormous 
taxation,  public4  money  was  stolen  and  squandered  for 
the  vilest  and  most  infamous  purposes,  and  the  credit 
and  character  of  the  State  dishonored  and  lost! 

In  every  town,  city  and  village  in  South  Carolina, 
Federal  soldiers,  infantry,  cavalry  and  artillery,  were 
stationed  and  quartered  to  uphold  this  black  govern- 
ment of  rogues  and  scoundrels,  and  keep  in  subjection 
a.  high-minded,  patriotic,  liberty -loving  people!  Peace- 
able, inoffensive  citizens  were  daily  arrested,  dragged 
from  their  homes,  and  incarcerated  in  filthy,  crowded 
prisons,  at  the  instance  of  some  false,  stupid,  vindictive 
Negro!  All  the  offices  of  the  State,  and  of  the  United 
States  in  South  Carolina  were  given  to  the  most  corrupt 
and  ignorant  men,  black  and  white,  renegades  and 
ruffian  blackguards,  who  had  come  here  or  risen  up 
amongst  us,  like  vultures  and  harpys,to  prey  on  a  dead 
carcass!  The  colored  people  were  taught  by  their 
leaders  that  incendiarism  was  a  righteous  and  patriotic 
virtue!  Every  night  the  lurid  flames  told  of  the 
destruction  of  gin  houses,  stores  and  mansions!  Ladies 
were  afraid  to  walk  the  streets  in  Charleston  for  fear  of 
being  grossly  insulted  by  the  sable  loafers  and  loungers 
at  the  street  corners !  Gentlemen  were  in  constant  ap- 
prehension, every  night,  of  robbery  and  assassination ! 

It  is  therefore  not  surprising,  that  under  these  direful 
circumstances,  the  energies  of  our  people  were  crushed 
and  paralyzed,  that  all  public  improvements  were  aban- 
doned, education  neglected  and  private  interests  sacri- 
ficed. No  one  thought  of  making  any  effort  to  develop 
the  resources  of  the  State  or  to  improve  her  condition 
under  this  regime  of  rogues  and  scoundrels,  protected 
by  federal  bayonets.  Life  was  no  longer  a  blessing, 
and  the  people  at  length,  determined  to  rise  up  in  the 
majesty  of  their  strength,  and  throw  off  this  horrible 


366  Address. 

government,  be  the  consequences  what  they  might. 
Their  noble,  patriotic  effort,  through  the  mercy  of  God, 
was  crowned  with  success.  A  free  enlightened  Republi- 
can government  was  once  more  established  in  South 
Carolina,  with  a  wise  and  prudent  Governor.  General 
Hampton,  distinguished  through  life  for  his  honor  and 
heroism,  and  with  a  patriotic  Legislature,  and  compe- 
tent, virtuous  public  officers,  all  over  the  State.  South 
Carolina  now  stands  "redeemed,  regenerated  and  dis- 
enthralled." 

The  history  of  this  State  up  to  the  close  of  the  war  of 
Secession  was  a  proud  and  glorious  one.  There  was  no 
blot  or  stain  on  her  escutcheon  from  her  earliest  settle- 
ment. Her  Governors  had  always  been  high  minded 
and  honorable  men,  her  judges  pure  and  unsullied,  her 
legislators  patriotic  and  incorruptible,  her  public  offi- 
cers ever  faithful  and  diligent  in  the  discharge  of  their 
official  duties,  and  her  citizens  enlightened,  brave  and 
patriotic,  distinguished  for  their  love  of  liberty  and 
Constitutional  Republican  principles.  No  charge  of 
bribery  or  corruption  was  ever  made  against  any  of 
her  legislators  or  public  officers  in  the  whole  history  of 
the  commonwealth.  There  was  a  moral  and  patriotic 
tone  which  pervaded  the  whole  State  and  formed  the 
character  of  her  citizens  from  the  earliest  settlement  of 
the  country.  No  community  in  ancient  or  modern 
times,  were  ever  governed  by  a  higher  sense  of  honor, 
virtue  and  patriotism.  Their  generous  nature,  love  of 
hospitality  and  virtuous  ease  and  pleasure,  have  pre- 
vented them  from  being  as  thrifty  as  some  of  their 
Northern  brethren.  The  love  of  money  has  never  been 
their  ruling  passion,  or  the  god  of  their  idolatry. 

Two  hundred  years  ago  the  first  settlement  in  South 
Carolina  was  made  by  the  proud  cavaliers  of  England, 
to  whom  the  province  was  granted.  They  were  a  noble 
race  of  men  and  they  stamped  their  character  on  the 
settlement.     In   the  course  of  a    few   years  they    were 


Address.  867 

joined  by  the  Huguenots  of  France,  a  worthy  rind  relig- 
ious people  who  had  fled  from  the  persecutions  of  the 
mother  country  and  sought  freedom  of  conscience  in  the 
American  wilderness.  Some  years  after  these  settle- 
ments in  the  lower  country,  upper  Carolina  was  settled 
by  a  hardy,  industrious  race  of  enterprising  yeomanry 
from  Virginia  and  Maryland.  Such  were  the  germs 
from  which  the  citizens  of  Carolina  have  sprung,  pure, 
proud,  and  religious,  loving  liberty  and  independence. 

Throughout  her  whole  history  South  Carolina  has 
ever  been  distinguished  for  the  talents,  virtue  and  patri- 
otism of  her  public  men.  Although  a  proud  colony  of 
Great  Britain,  and  although  her  prominent  sons  had 
been  educated  in  England,  yet  she  was  one  of  the  fore- 
most States  in  her  resistance  to  British  tyranny  and 
oppression.  Her  Pinekneys,  Rut  ledges,  Gadsdens,  Mid- 
dletons,  Hugers,  Sumters,  Marions  and  Pickens  were 
conspicuous  as  statesmen,  patriots  and  heroes  in  the 
American  Revolution.  In  the  second  war  of  Independ- 
ence with  Great  Britain  in  1812,  she  presented  a  galaxy 
of  genius,  talents  and  ability  which  would  have  done 
honor  to  ancient  Greece  or  Rome.  Lowndes,  Chetfes 
and  Calhoun  were  the  master  spirits  of  that  war,  and 
controlled  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  in  carrying 
on  the  war.  More  recently  South  Carolina  has  pro- 
duced Hayne,  Harper,  Drayton,  Preston,  McDuffie,  Le- 
gare,  Petigru,  Hamilton,  and  many  other  illustrious 
men  who  were  the  peers  of  any  in  the  Senate  of  the 
[Tinted  States  or  the  House  of  Representatives  for  elo- 
quence, learning  and  ability.  Such  names  should  in- 
spire the  rising  generation  in  this  State  to  emulate  their 
fame  and  renown  as  statesmen  and  patriots. 

Pre-eminent  as  South  Carolina  has  been  in  her  states- 
men, patriots  and  orators,  she  has  not  been  deficient  in 
her  literature,  education  and  literary  men.  Her  college 
in  Columbia  was  for  many  years  the  resort  of  all  the 
young  men  of  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Florida  and 


368  Address. 

Virginia,  who  sought  a  finished,  scientific  and  classical 
education.  In  every  department  of  literature,  history, 
biography,  poetry,  science  and  fiction  she  has  produced 
authors  of  great  merit  and  distinction.  Hewit,  Ram- 
say, Simms,  Drayton,  Moultrie,  Carrol,  Rivers,  Gibbs, 
Logan  and  Davidson  were  historians  whom  any  State 
or  nation  may  boast  of  having  produced.  In  poetry 
the  names  of  Washington  Alston,  Gil  more  Simms,  Paul 
Hayne,  Henry  Timrod,  Colonel  Grayson,  Richard  Fur- 
man,  Laura  Gwyn,  Mrs.  Blake  and  many  others  are 
well  known  in  the  literary  world.  In  the  field  of  biogra- 
phy we  may  refer  with  pride  to  Judge  Johnson's  life  of 
General  Greene,  or  .Johnson's  Reminiscences,  or  Simms' 
biographies,  Life  of  Marion  by  VVeems,  Judge  O'Neall's 
Bench  and  Bar,  his  Annals  of  Newberry,  or  Laborde's 
History  of  the  South  Carolina  College,  and  many  other 
biographies  of  merit  and  high  reputation.  In  fiction 
Gilmore  Simms  stands  pre-eminent,  and  ranks  with 
Cooper.  He  has  illustrated  South  Carolina  as  Sir- 
Walter  Scott  did  his  native  land.  There  are  many 
other  writers  of  fiction  in  South  Carolina  of  no  ordinary 
merit.  Mrs.  Gilman,  Mrs.  Glover.  Mrs.  Aldrich,  are 
well  known.  " The  Novelettes"  of  Professor  Nott,  and 
"Thirty-Four  Years  Since,"  an  American  story  of 
Southern  life,  by  his  niece,  Mrs.  Means,  with  very  many 
other  tales  and  stories,  do  credit  to  South  Carolina .  "  The 
Works  of  John  C.  Calhoun,"  in  six  volumes,  are  equal 
in  merit  to  Aristotle's  Politics  and  Ethics.  The  writings 
of  Hugh  S.  Legare,  in  two  volumes,  are  unsurpassed  for 
classical  lore,  style  and  interest.  The  Southern  Review, 
pnblished  in  Charleston,  was  for  many  years  equal  to 
any  work  of  the  kind  in  Europe  or  America. 

But  there  is  one  great  omission  in  the  literature  of 
South  Carolina,  and  I  regret  to  mention  it.  No  one  has 
come  forward  to  write  the  lives  of  South  Carolina's 
eminent  men.  In  Massachusetts,  as  soon  as  one  of  her 
prominent  citizens  is  dead,  some  literary  friend   steps 


Address.  869 

forward  to  write  his  life.     In   South   Carolina   there  is 
scarcely  a  life  of  any  of  her  eminent  sons  written  at  all. 

One  great  drawback  on  the  prosperity  of  South  Caro- 
lina, heretofore,  has  been  the  spirit  of  emigration,  on 
the  part  of  her  sons,  to  the  Southwest.  This  restless 
disposition  and  unpatriotic  love  of  change  has  robbed 
her  of  a  large  portion  of  her  wealth,  energy  and  talent. 

She  has  given  to  the  Southwestern  States  many  of 
their  most  prominent  men,  and  her  wealth  has  given 
prosperity  and  growth  to  the  States  of  Georgia,  Ala- 
bama, Florida,  Mississippi,  Tennessee  and  Texas.  This 
drain  on  her  population  and  wealth,  which  continued 
for  more  than  a  half  century,  has  now  ceased  in  a  great 
measure,  and  she  will  soon  realize  its  advantages, in  the 
improvement  of  her  lands,  and  the  development  of  her 
resources.  Let  us  reflect  and  consider  what  a  State 
South  Carolina  would  now  be,  if  she  could  reclaim  all 
the  wealth  and  population,  all  the  energy  and  industry, 
and  all  the  talent  and  learning,  and  virtue  and  patriot- 
ism, which  she  has  so  lavishly  poured  into  the  South- 
western States.  This  spirit  of  emigration  not  only  im- 
poverishes the  State,  but  it  has  a  tendency  to  impair 
and  weaken  the  patriotism  of  the  emigrant.  The  citi- 
zen who  is  constantly  moving  from  State  to  State,  loses 
all  local  attachments,  and  can  never  feel  that  deep 
seated  love  of  country  which  glows  in  the  bosom  of  one 
who  lives  where  he  was  born  and  raised  and  where  his 
ancestors  for  generations  have  lived  and  died  and  lie 
buried. 

There  has  been  another  great  impediment  besides 
emigration  to  the  improvement  and  prosperity  of 
South  Carolina.  It  was  her  institution  of  slavery,  so 
long  cherished  and  considered  the  source  of  all  her 
wealth.  The  farmer  and  planter,  the  merchant  and 
capitalist,  were  always  anxious  to  invest  their  surplus 
capital  in  the  purchase  of  more  slaves,  and  never 
thought  of  improving  with  it  their  lands,  erecting  ma- 


370  Address. 

chinerv  and  building  manufactories.  They  only 
thought  of  buying  more  slaves  to  make  more  cotton  or 
corn  and  then  selling  their  crops  to  invest  again  in 
more  slaves  till  their  lands  were  entirely  worn  out. 
Then  they  gathered  up  their  slaves,  deserted  their  ex- 
hausted lands  and  dilapidated  houses,  and  moved  off 
to  a  new  country  to  pursue  there  the  same  ruinous 
policy.  Now,  this  source  of  investment  has  been  de- 
stroyed forever,  and  most  happily  for  the  improvement 
of  the  State.  When  a  farmer,  or  planter,  or  capitalist 
has  a  surplus  of  money,  he  now  has  to  invest  it  in  the 
improvement  of  his  lands  and  houses,  or  in  machine 
shops,  or  factories  of  some  kind,  or  in  the  education  of 
his  sons  and  daughters. 

These  two  impediments  being  now  removed  and  art 
honest  government  being  once  more  restored,  South 
Carolina  has  resources  and  advantages  which  should 
make  her  future  a  bright,  prosperous  and  glorious  one. 
Her  climate  is  unsurpassed,  neither  severely  cold  in 
Winter,  norextremely  hot  in  Summer.  There  is  no  State 
in  the  Union  more  healthy  the  year  round.  The  health 
of  the  upper  portion  of  the  State  is  equal  to  that  of 
any  country  in  the  world.  The  lands  of  South  Caro- 
lina are  rich  and  productive,  and  those  that  have  been 
exhausted  may  be  easily  reclaimed  by  good  manage- 
ment. There  are  thousands  of  acres  of  swamp  lands 
on  our  great  rivers  which  will  one  day  be  drained,  em- 
banked and  brought  into  cultivation.  They  are  as  rich 
as  any  lands  in  the  world,  and  their  cultivation  would 
produce  grain  enough  to  bread  the  whole  population  of 
the  State.  This  is  destined  to  be,  at  some  future  day, 
one  great  source  of  the  prosperity  of  the  State. 

South  Carolina  is  unrivalled  in  the  variety  of  the  pro- 
ducts of  her  soil.  She  produces  in  the  greatest  abund- 
ance all  the  cereals,  wheat,  rye,  corn,  oats,  barley  and 
rice.  With  the  application  of  phosphates,  cotton  grows 
as  well  under  the  mountains  of  Carolina  as  it  does  in 


Address.  371 

the  Southwestern  States.  Tobacco  was  once  a  profita- 
ble crop  in  South  Carolina  and  might  be  again.  So  was 
indigo.  The  growth  of  sorghum  within  a  few  years 
past  in  this  State  shows  that  we  might  manufacture 
our  own  molasses  and  sugar  and  be  independent  of 
Louisiana  and  the  West  India,  islands  in  this  respect. 
It  has  been  proven  by  experiments  recently  made,  that 
the  tea  plant  will  grow  successfully  in  South  Carolina/ 
and  in  the  course  of  time  it  may  become  one  of  the  great 
staple  commodities  of  the  Southern  States.  The  cul- 
ture of  the  grape  has  been  successful  where  ever  tried  in 
South  Carolina,  and  in  a  few  years  will  be  a  most  re- 
munerative crop.  Apples,  peaches,  plums,  cherries  and 
all  the  ordinary  fruits  grown  in  the  United  States,  do 
well  in  this  State,  and  might  be  made  profitable  crops. 
All  the  vegetables  used  on  the  table,  are  grown  here  in 
the  greatest  abundance.  Clover  and  all  the  grasses  do 
well  in  the  upper  part  of  this  State,  and  it  is  most  un- 
fortunate for  our  people  that  they  have  not  been  more 
extensively  grown. 

The  discovery  of  phosphates  in  South  Carolina  is 
more  valuable  than  the  discovery  of  a  dozen  gold  mines. 
It  has  revolutionized  the  'agriculture  of  the  State,  and 
will  double  and  triple  its  products*  Already  the  old 
exhausted  broom  sedge  fields  planted  in  cotton  and 
fertilized  with  the  phosphates  have  been  more  profita- 
ble than  the  richest  loam  grounds  cultivated  in  corn. 
It  not  only  fertilizes  the  soil,  but  it  matures,  the  bolls 
two  or  three  weeks  sooner  than  they  would  otherwise 
ripen,  and  thereby  escapes  the  early  frosts.  Gold  and 
iron  ores  have  likewise  been  discovered  in  various  sec- 
tions of  the  State,  and  successfully  operated.  Kaolin, 
out  of  which  porcelain  or  China  ware  is  manufactured, 
has  been  found  in  many  parts  of  the  State,  and  may  in 
the  future,  be  a  source  of  great  profit. 

The  people  of  South  Carolina  have  heretofore  been 
very  neglectful  in  raising  horses,  cattle,  sheep  and  hogs. 


872  Address. 

which  they  might  do  most  successfully,  instead  of  de- 
pending on  the  great  West  for  their  animals.  This  has 
been  a  great  drain  on  their  wealth  and  a  serious  impedi- 
ment to  their  prosperity.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the 
stock  law  lately  enacted  by  our  Legislatue,  will  pro- 
duce a  change  in  this  respect,  and  make  us  independent 
of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  The  Piedmont  region  of 
South  Carolina  is  well  adapted  to  the  raising  of  sheep, 
which  would  be  a  source  of  incalculable  wealth.  In 
England  the  culture  of  turnips  and  the  raising  of  sheep 
is  one  great  source  of  her  prosperity  and  national 
wealth. 

But  the  greatest  source  of  the  future  wealth  and  pros- 
perity of  South  Carolina,  is  in  utilizing  her  water  power 
and  manufacturing  cotton  and  wool.  We  have  every 
conceivable  advantage  over  the  Northern  States  and 
Great  Britain  in  manufacturing  cotton.  The  raw  ma- 
terial is  grown  here,  our  climate  is  better  adapted  to 
manufacturing  purposes,  water  power,  which  is  expen- 
sive at  the  North,  and  scarcely  to  be  obtained  in  Eng- 
land, will  cost  little  or  nothing  here;  labor  is  cheaper 
than  it  is  in  the  Northern  States,  and  all  we  want  is 
capital  and  skill.  They  are  destined  to  come  here  at  no 
distant  day  from  England,  as  well  as  from  the  Northern 
States.  Foreign  capitalists  will  find  it  to  their  interest 
to  make  this  change,  and  all  mankind  in  pursuit  of 
money  are  of  course  governed  by  their  interest.  There 
are  already  a  good  many  cotton  factories  in  the  State, 
and  they  are  all  doing  well.  The  Piedmont  factory  in 
Greenville,  with  a,  capital  of  four  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars, realized  during  the  past  year,  thirty  per  cent,  on 
the  capital.  They  have  been  shipping  their  goods  to 
China  and  South  America  as  well  as  to  New  York  and 
Boston.  I  was  told  by  the  president  that  the  net  profit 
on  a  yard  of  cloth  sold  for  eight  cents  was  four  cents. 

There  is  another  source  of  prosperity  and  greatness 
in  the  future  of  our  old  commonwealth,  which  the  peo- 


Address.  373 

pie  are  beginning  to  value  more  than  they  ever  did  be- 
fore. I  allude  to  our  schools  and  colleges.  No  people 
can  be  great,  or  prosperous,  or  wealthy  without  educa- 
tion, and  no  people  can  sustain  a  republican  form  of 
government  without  virtue  and  intelligence,  which  flow 
from  education.  In  former  times,  there  were  a  few  in 
South  Carolina,  highly  educated,  who  gave  character 
to  the  State  abroad,  whilst  the  great  mass  of  our  popu- 
lation had  very  few  advantages  in  this  respect.  A  bet- 
ter spirit  now  pervades  the  country.  The  Legislature 
has  provided  ample  means  for  the  education  of  all  in 
the  primary  branches,  and  the  citizens  are  erecting  col- 
leges and  schools  all  over  the  State,  to  teach  the  higher 
branches  of  learning.  It  is  said  Prussia  owed  her  con- 
quest of  France,  a  few  years  since,  to  the  universal  edu- 
cation of  all  her  citizens.  It  was  education  that  made 
Athens  the  mistress  of  the  Grecian  confederacy.  It  is 
education  that  has  given  New  England  such  a  controll- 
ing influence  over  the  public  sentiment  of  America.  Her 
literature,  her  books,  her  newspapers  and  magazines, 
notwithstanding  all  our  Southern  prejudices,  are  at 
this  time  imperceptibly  influencing  and  controlling  our 
opinions  and  actions. 

There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  future  of 
South  Carolina  will  be  prosperous  and  happy.  The 
Federal  Union  will  never  again  be  assailed,  and  the  love 
of  constitutional  liberty  and  republican  principles. 
North  and  South,  East  and  West,  will  never  tolerate  a 
centralized  despotism.  Her  population  is  increasing 
most  wonderfully,  her  schools  and  colleges  are  multiply- 
ing and  flourishing,  her  agriculture  improving,  her 
manufactories  rapidly  multiplying,  and  her  citizens  are 
becoming  more  energetic,  enterprising  and  industrious. 
The  resources  of  the  State  are  being  developed,  rail- 
roads are  being  built  all  over  her  territory,  towns  and  vil- 
lages are  springing  up  in  every  direction,  her  citizens  are 
no  longer  leaving  their  homes  and  moving  to  new  conn- 


874  Address 


tries,  crime  is  diminishing,  and  the  moral  tone  of  the 
community  rapidly  improving.  Well  may  we  be  proud 
of  the  past  and  hopeful  of  the  future. 

But  there  is  one  thing  which  1  would  moist  earnestly 
impress  on  the  young-  men  of  Carolina,  as  necessary  to 
their  own  success  and  happiness  in  life  as  it  is  to  the 
future  prosperity  of  the  State.   Slavery  is  abolished,  and 
labor  is  made  necessary  and  honorable  to  all.  rich  and 
poor.     Man  was  made  by  his  Creator  to  work  in  this  his 
probationary  state.     Six  days  shalt  thou  labor  and  the 
seventh  keep  holy,  is  the  command  of  God.     Instead  of 
crowding  the  learned  professions  and  becoming  idlers  and 
paupers  with  poverty  stricken  families,  they  should  turn 
their    attention     to    agriculture,    the    mechanic    arts, 
manufacturing,    engineering,    mining,  and    developing 
the  resources  of  the  State.     Heretofore,  it  has  been  too 
much  the  habit  of  South  Carolinians   to   try   and   live 
without   work,  and   this  has  been    one  great   cause   of 
their   want  of   progress,  improvement   and    prosperity. 
It    is  a  lamentable  truth,  that  South  Carolinians,  with 
all    their   natural    advantages   of    climate,   soil,    water 
power  and    mineral  wealth,  have  not  kept  pace,  in  the 
past,  with   their  brethren  of  the  cold  and   sterile   New 
England  States.     There  everyone  has  been  active,  ener- 
getic, industrious    and    enterprising.    No    loafers  and 
idlers  are  to  be  seen  standing  on  the  street  corners   of 
their    towns    and    villages,  or  sitting    lazily    in     their 
piazzas  and  porticos 

Our  Legislature  has  recently  enacted  some  wise  laws 
against  duelling,  carrying  concealed  weapons,  retailing 
spirituous  liquors  and  other  immoralities,  which  are 
calculated  to  have  a  most  salutary  influence  on  public 
sentiment.  It  is  said  that  nine-tenths  of  the  crimes  in 
our  courts  have  originated  in  these  pernicious  habits. 
Senator  Merriman  said,  the  other  day  in  a  public 
speech,  that  the  State  of  North  Carolina  paid  during 
the  past  year  five  millions  of  dollars  in  the  purchase  of 


Address.  375 

whisky!  In  a  small  up  country  village  of  this  State,  it 
has  been  ascertained  that  one  barkeeper  alone  sold 
thirty  thousand  dollars  worth  of  spirits  within  the  past 
year.  But  a  change  has  now  come  over  the  spirit  of 
that  village,  and  retailing  is  entirely  prohibited  there  at 
the  present  time.  It  is  most  devoutly  hoped  that  this 
good  example  will  be  followed  all  over  the  State. 

In  my  mind  the  future  wealth,  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness of  South  Carolina  is  inevitable.     She  must  soon, 
from    her  advantages  in   climate,  water   power,  cheap- 
ness in  labor,  living,  building  material  and  the  growth 
of  the   raw   material,  become  a    manufacturing  State. 
This  will  more  than  double  the  value  of  her  cotton  crop, 
already  worth  twenty  millions  of  dollars,  and  give  em- 
ployment   to    hundreds    of  thousands    of    operatives. 
Charleston   harbor  will  soon  be  opened  to  the  largest 
vessels,  and  railroads  will  be  constructed  to  carry  her 
importations  to  every  portion  of  the  great  West.    The 
immense  swamp  lands  of  the  middle  and  low  country 
will   be  drained,  and   the  rivers  embanked,  which   will 
double  the  production  of  all  the  cereals.    The  agricul- 
ture of  the  State  will  be  varied  and  enlarged,  and  more 
attention  paid  to  the  growing  of  all  the  grapes.    The 
old  broom  sedge  fields  and  exhausted  lands  will  be  re- 
claimed and  enriched  by  phosphates  and  other  manures. 
Vinyards  will  be  planted  all  over  the  State  and  wine  will 
become  an  article  of  exportation.     Sugar  and  molasses 
will  be  produced  from  the  cultivation  and  manufacture 
of  sorghum   sufficient  to  supply   home    consumption. 
The  tea  plant  will  likewise  be  extensively  cultivated  in 
the  course  of  a  few  yearns.     It  grows  well  in  our  climate, 
as   has    been   proved    by    various    experiments.     It    is 
stated,  that  the  importation  of  jute,  from  which   cot- 
ton bagging  is  made,  costs  the  United  States  more  than 
four  millions  of  dollars.     This  plant  will  grow  well  in  all 
the  Southern  States,  and    might  be  made  a  profitable 
crop.    The  mountains  and   the  old   fields  will  become 


376  Address. 

sheep  folds,  and  wool  will  be  produced  in  the  greatest 
abundance  for  manufacturing  purposes.  The  cultiva- 
tion of  the  grape  and  the  increased  production  of  corn 
on  the  reclaimed  swamp  lands  will  necessarily  lead  to 
more  attention  in  raising  horses,  mules  cattle  and  hogs. 
Instead  of  moving  to  other  States,  our  citizens  will  be 
content  to  live  and  die  where  they  were  born  and 
brought  up,  and  they  will  learn  to  nurse  that  natural 
love  which  everyone  has  for  the  land  of  his  birth. 
Thousands  of  immigrants  will  come  here  from  the 
Northern  States  and  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  to  en- 
joy the  advantages  which  South  Carolina  will  offer 
them.  The  facility  with  which  wealth  may  be  accumu- 
lated will  inspire  habits  of  industry  and  enterprise. 
Young  men  of  education  will  no  longer  think  that  they 
must  pursue  one  of  the  learned  professions  and  become 
uentlemanly  loafers  and  paupers,  instead  of  prosperous 
farmers,  mechanics,  manufacturers,  miners  and  en- 
gineers. And  our  yourij.  women  too,  will  conform  to 
this  change  after  their  education  is  completed,  and  pay 
more  attention  to  their  domestic  and  household  duties, 
and  less  to  fashions,  dress,  parties,  balls,  theatres  and 
all  the  dissipated  frivolities  of  fashionable  life.  They 
will  learn  that  it  is  not  beneath  the  dignity  of  a  well 
bred  and  well  educated  lady  to  (rook  her  husband's  din- 
ner and  mend  his  clothes,  as  well  as  make  her  own,  and 
take  care  of  the  children.  No  matter  how  highly  a 
young  lady  may  be  educated,  it  should  not  place  her 
above  her  domestic  duties,  but  render  her  more  capable 
of  performing  them. 

God  in  his  creation  of  the  two  sexes  intended  them  for 
different  purposes.  To  man  he  gave  strength,  courage 
and  endurance,  and  woman  he  endowed  with  diffidence, 
modesty  and  physical  weakness.  They  are  both  made 
intellectually  equals  to  their  respective  spheres  and 
duties  in  life.  Man  is  to  till  the  fields,  go  to  war  and 
defend   his  country.    The  woman   is  to  stay  at  home. 


Address.  377 

nurse  her  children  and  cast  her  softening-  influence  over 
society.  Her  mind  should  be  highly  cultivated,  for  she 
has  the  early  training  and  education  of  her  children. 
But  her  education  should  be  appropriate  to  her  mind, 
her  position  and  duties  in  life.  I  am  a  utilitarian,  and 
believe  that  every  parent  should  study  the  genius,  tal- 
ents and  inclination  of  their  children  and  educate  them 
accordingly.  Woman,  in  the  present  civilized  and 
Christian  age,  has  been  elevated  to  her  proper  sphere 
and  educated  accordingly.  But  she  should  not  step 
beyond  it  and  think  of  entering  the  learned  professions, 
as  some  of  our  Northern  ladies  are  doing. 

Dr.  Franklin,  whilst  in  London,  was  drawing  off  a 
cask  of  wine,  which  had  been  sent  him  as  a  present,  and 
discovered  a  fly  in  it,  which  he  placed  in  the  sunshine, 
and  the  fly  came  to  life  again.  This  induced  the  old 
philosopher,  patriot  and  philanthropist  to  reflect  how- 
pleasant  it  would  be  to  revisit  the  earth  after  the  lapse  of 
a  century  or  two,  and  see  all  the  changes  and  improve- 
ments which  had  taken  place.  He  expressed  a  wish  that 
he  could  be  put  up  in  a  puncheon  of  wine  and  kept  for  a 
century,  and  then  revived  and  permitted  to  visit  the 
United  States  again,  and  see  all  the  changes  and  im- 
provements which  had  been  made.  How  the  old  man 
would  be  astonished  and  bewildered  if  he  could  now-  re- 
visit his  beloved  country,  and  see  all  the  changes  and 
improvements  made,  which  he  had  never  dreamed  of  in 
all  his  philosophy.  He  would  see  the  steam  engine,  the 
spinning  jenny,  the  cotton  gin,  the  railroad,  the 
electric  telegraph,  the  steam  printing  press,  the  sewing- 
machine,  &c.  He  would  find  his  weekly  mail,  from 
Boston  to  Philadelphia,  which  he  prided  himself  as 
Postmaster  General  in  establishing,  carried  three  times 
a  day,  over  the  same  route  in  a  few  hours,  instead  of  a 
week.  He  would  learn,  that  instead  of  three  months, 
which  it  took  him  to  cross  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  the  trip 
could  now  be  made  in  seven  or  eight  days.     To  get  an 


378  Address. 

answer  to  a  message  sent  to  England  required  six 
months,  and  now  it  will  take  only  a  few  minutes.  In- 
stead of  a,  population  of  three  millions  and  thirteen 
States,  he  would  now  find  thirty-eight  States,  with  a 
population  of  more  than  fifty  millions,  comprising  the 
Republic  of  the  United  States.  He  would  learn  that  the 
earth  was  encircled  with  telegraph  wires;  that  the 
Ocean,  and  all  the  rivers  of  the  world  were  navigated  by 
steamboats,  and  that  the  tplephone  enabled  persons  in 
Philadelphia  to  converse  with  those  in  New  York  and 
Baltimore. 

How  delightful  it  would  be,  my  friends,  if  we  could 
realize  Franklin's  wish,  and  have  the  pleasure  of  revisit- 
ing the  Palmetto  State,  after  the  lapse  of  a  century, 
and  find  her  population  increased  from  nine  hundred 
thousand  to  three  or  four  millions;  the  State  dotted 
over  with  flourishing  towns  and  cities;  prosperous 
manufactories  of  cotton,  wool  and  iron  in  every  section 
of  the  country ;  the  swamp  lands  drained  and  teerriing 
with  luxuriant  crops;  colleges  and  schools  established 
everywhere,  and  all  the  citizens  of  Carolina  educated, 
intelligent,  prosperous  and  happy. 

But  in  this  respect  we  are  inferior  to  Franklin's  fly, 
and  neither  philosphy  nor  science  can  give  us  this  boon. 
May  we  not,  however,  hope  that  in  another  and  better 
world,  our  kindred  and  friends  and  their  descendants, 
as  they  come  into  that  other  and  better  world,  will  be 
able  to  tell  us  of  this  progress  and  improvement  of  our 
country!    I  hope  so. 

And  now  my  young  friends,  a  word  of  parting  advice 
to  you  and  I  have  done.  When  you  leave  this  seat  of 
learning,  you  must  not  consider  your  education  as 
completed,  no  matter  how  advanced  or  perfect  you  may 
have  been  in  your  studies.  You  have  here  only  laid  the 
foundation  of  an  education  on  which  you  must  here- 
after build  the  superstructure  by  reading  and  study. 
Select   good    books  only,   and   avoid    the    sentimental 


Address.  3?9 

trash  with  which  the  press  is  now  teeming.  Life  is  too 
short,  and  time  is  too  precious  to  think  of  reading  the 
promiscuous  publications  of  the  day.  Read  books  that 
will  cultivate  the  heart  as  well  as  the  head  ;  books  that 
will  teach  you  to  be  true  and  just,  kind  and  amiable, 
and  religions  In  this  way  yon  will  secure  your  own 
happiness  and  the  good  opinion  and  esteem  of  your  as- 
sociates. Study  to  control  the  temper  and  wayward- 
ness of  youth,  and  restrain  your  anger  and  resentments. 
Life  is  full  of  trials  and  misfortunes,  and  philosophy  as 
well  as  Christianity,  teaches  us  to  bear  with  them  as 
best  we  can.  Early  learn  to  practice  under  the  care  of 
your  parents,  all  the  Christian  duties,  and  you  will  then 
have  a  benevolent  heart  in  unison  with  a  cultivated 
mind.  Health,  too,  is  necssary  to  your  happiness  in 
life,  and  you  should  give  special  care  to  its  culture  and 
preservation.  With  a  good  heart,  a  wise  head  and  a 
sound  body,  you  may  boldly  meet  all  the  difficulties  of 
this  world  and  prepare  yourselves  for  a  better  one  in 
Heaven. 


■fKr^H^H^:^:^:^;' 


THE  NEW  YORK  CONVENTION. 

Written  by  GOV.  PERRY  in  1875. 

N  MY  way  to  the  New  York  Convention,  in  July. 
1868,  I  stopped  two  or  three  days  in  Washing- 
ton, for  the  purpose  of  seeing  President  Johnson  and 
the  gentlemen  there.  I  saw  Colonel  Cooper,  and  sent 
woi'd  to  the  President  that  I  wished  to  see  him  before 
I  left  the  city.  The  Colonel  informed  me  that  the 
President  said  he  would  he  glad  to  see  me  at  any  time  I 
might  call.  Governor  Bonham,  Governor  Aiken  and 
Colonel  Jones,  of  Kentucky,  went  with  me  one  morning 
to  the  White  House  and  we  had  a  very  pleasant  inter- 
view with  the  President,  but  I  had  no  opportunity  of 
talking  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the  Democratic  nomi- 
nation for  President  and  Vice-President.  President 
Johnson  was  a  good  deal  interested  at  that  time,  with 
the  bill  before  Congress  making  appropriation  for  the 
purchase  of  Alaska.  He  thought,  after  the  treaty  had 
been  ratified  by  the  Senate,  it  became  under  the  Consti- 
tution the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  and  it  was  impera- 
tive on  the  House  to  make  the  appropriation.  I  called 
to  see  Chief  Justice  Chase  and  General  Hancock,  and  in 
my  notice  of  these  gentlemen,  have  already  given  the 
substance  of  their  conversation  with  me. 

Before  reaching  New  York  I  became  satisfied  that 
Judge  Pendleton  was  the  first  choice  of  the  Democracy 
West  and  South,  but  there  was  a  strong  apprehension 
that  he  might  not  be  the  most  available  candidate,  in 
consequence  of  his  war  record.  In  my  own  mind  I  was 
satisfied  that  Senator  Hendricks  would  make  a  better 
run  than  Pendleton,  and  was  therefore  in  favor  of  his 
nomination.   I  would  have  preferred  President  Johnson. 


The  New  York  Convention.  881 

but  the  Northern  Democracy  had  fallen  out  with  him 
on  account  of  his  continuing  radicals  in  his  cabinet  and 
his  refusal  to  appoint  Democrats  to  office.  I  thought 
the  bold,  manly  stand  taken  by  President  Johnson  in 
favor  of  the  South,  and  in  defence  of  the  Constitution 
and  republican  principles,  entitled  him  to  the  nomina- 
tion. There  was  a  strong  feeling-  in  New  York  for  the 
nomination  of  Judge  Chase,  but  I  did  not  think  it  possi- 
ble for  two-thirds  of  the  Convention  to  concentrate  on 
him.  Mr.  Seymour  was  not  spoken  of  as  likely  to  be 
put  in  nomination.  It  was  said,  too,  that  he  would  not 
accept  the  nomination. 

I  stopped  in  New  York  with  Madame  Filette,  where 
the  South  Carolina  delegation  had  engaged  lodgings. 
General  Hampton,  Colonel  Campbell,  Judge  Aldrich, 
General  Gary,  Mr.  Farmer  and  Colonel  Mailing  were  all 
there.  The  next  day,  however,  I  went  to  my  friend. 
John  Livingston's,  with  the  young  ladies  who  were 
with  me  and  there  remained  during  the  Convention. 
It  was  a  most  pleasant  change  from  a  crowded  house 
to  a  private  mansion,  where  we  had  perfect  privacy  and 
luxurious  hospitality.  The  Convention  assembled  on 
the  4th  of  July,  and  every  State  and  territory  was  fully 
represented.  Horatio  Seymour  was  made  president  of 
the  Convention,  and  one  vice-president  appointed  from 
each  State.  A  committee  of  thirty-seven  was  nomi- 
nated by  the  different  delegations  to  report  a  platform 
of  principles  for  the  Democratic  party  of  the  United 
States.  After  one  or  two  days  consultation,  the  com- 
mittee agreed  on  a  platform,  which  was  unamimously 
adopted  by  the  Convention.  The  balloting  then  com- 
menced for  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  Most  of  the 
Southern  States  voted  several  times  for  Andrew  John- 
son, of  Tennessee,  as  a  compliment  to  him  for  the 
patriotic  stand  he  had  taken  in  defence  of  their  rights 
and  sovereignty.  George  H.  Pendleton  run  ahead  for 
several  ballotings,   and    was  finally   withdrawn.    New 


$82  The  New  York  Convention. 

York  voted  for  Church,  and  Pennsylvania,  for  Packer. 
Senator  Hendricks,  of  Indiana,  began  to  secure  a  strong 

vote — Chief  Justice  Chase  also  was  spoken  of  pretty 
generally,  and  it  began  to  be  suspected  that  the  vote 
would  be,  at  last,  between  these  two  distinguished 
statesmen,  when  Ohio  presented  the  name  of  Horatio 
Seymour.  It  was  received  with  deafening  cheers  by  the 
members.  Mr.  Seymour  rose  and  said  he  was  not  a  can- 
didate for  the  nomination,  and  could  not,  in  honor, 
accept  it.  This  only  seemed  to  increase  the  desire  to 
nominate  him,  and  it  was  done  unanimously  on  this 
ballot. 

The  friends  of  Senator  Hendricks  brought  his  name 
forward  too  soon,  and  in  opposition  to  Judge  Pendle- 
ton, which  greatly  displeased  the  friends  of  the  latter 
gentleman.  If  the  friends  of  Hendricks  had  only  waited 
till  Pendleton  was  withdrawn,  the  nominee  of  their* 
favorite  would  have  been  certain.  The  contest  would 
have  been  between  him  and  Chief  Justice  Chase.  The 
latter  had  been  too  recently  the  leader  of  the  radicals  to 
have  received  the  nomination.  I  said  to  General  Hamp- 
ton it  would  be  going  into  the  enemies'  camp  for  a  Gen- 
eral to  command  our  forces  in  battle. 

There  was  a  splendid  supper  given  the.  delegates  at 
the  Man  hat  ten  Club  room  during  the  sitting  of  the  Con- 
vention, and  also  a  handsome  dinner  at  Delmonieo's 
after  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention.  At  this 
dinner  there  were  a,  great  many  patriotic  speeches  made 
by  Charles  O'Conner,  Generals  Preston,  Hampton,  For- 
rest, Gordon,  Buckner  and  others.  For  several  nights 
there  were  mass  meetings  at  the  Metropolitan  Club 
House,  which  were  addressed  by  General  Hampton, 
Governor  Vance,  myself  and  others. 

The  Soldiers'  Convention,  composed  of  two  thousand 
Federal  officers,  was  sitting  at  the  same  time  in  New- 
York  and  our  platform  was  heartily  endorsed  by  them. 
There   was    the    greatest    cordiality    existing  between 


The  New  York  Convention.  383 

Southern  and  Northern  officers  when  they  met  and 
talked  over  their  battles.  General  Hampton  was  quite 
a  lion  in  the  Convention  and  was  spoken  of  by  the  Ohio 
delegates  as  a  candidate  for  the  Vice- Presidency. 

Frank  P.  Blair  was  put  in  nomination  by  General 
Hampton  for  Vice-President  and  unanimously  elected 
on  the  first  ballot.  He  had  written  a  very  strong  letter 
just  before  the  Convention  assembled,  which  gave  him 
great  power  with  the  Southern  delegates.  The  Radicals 
have  since  endeavored  to  make  capital  out  of  this  letter 
which  they  denounce  as  revolutionary. 

On  my  return  to  South  Carolina.  I  stopped  at  Mount 
Vernon  and  spent  a  day  and  night.  It  was  something 
to  have  slept  in  the  mansion  of  Washington.  Miss 
Pamela  Cunningham,  the  regent  of  Mount  Vernon  Asso- 
ciation, had  kindly  invited  us  to  stay  with  her.  This 
was  my  first  visit  to  the  residence  of  the  Father  of  his 
Country,  and  I  enjoyed  it  greatly,  in  wandering  over  the 
house  and  grounds,  and  reflecting  on  the  life  and  char- 
acter of  Washington.  But  the  late  war,  and  the 
present  condition  of  the  country,  obtruded  into  my 
reflections  and  made  everything  sad. 


Newberry,  S.  C,  May  10.  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry. 

Dear  Madam:  It  was  very  kind  of  you  to  send  me  a 
copy  of  the  beautiful,  appropriate  Tribute  to  Benjamin 
KVanklin  Perry,  ex-Governor  of  South  Carolina, your 
noble  departed  husband.  I  assure  you  no  one  can 
appreciate  it  more  than  I  do,  not  only  because  of 
the  compliment  your  remembrance  of  nie  pays  me,  but 
because  it  affords  me  an  opportunity  to  read  and 
familiarize  myself  anew  with  the  noble  character  and 
acts  of  one  of  the  purest,  most  disinterested,  independ- 
ent, fearless  statesmen  of  South  Carolina.  I  have 
known  Governor  Perry  for  many  years.  Soon  after  I 
came  to  the  Bar,  in  1839,  I  began  to  attend  the  Courts 
at  Laurens,  and  often  met  him  there,  and  his  uniform 
politeness  and  attention  to  me,  a  diffident  youno;  law- 
yer, awakened  in  me  the  warmest  attachment,  which 
grew  stronger  and  stronger  the  more  I  saw  of  him,  and 
learned  of  his  true-hearted  friendship,  high-toned,  in- 
dependent, bold  character.  My  attendance  at  the 
Laurens  courts  were  among  the  most  pleasant  parts  of 
my  professional  life,  for,  as  I  said  before,  I  was  quite  a 
young  lawyer  and  met  with  the  kindest  attention,  not 
only  from  Governor  Perry,  but  from  such  men  as  D.  L. 
Wardlaw,  of  Abbeville,  Wallace  Thompson,  of  Union. 
Major  Henry,  Major  Dean  and  Colonel  Simpson  Bobo, 
of  Spartanburg.  They  all  seemed  disposed  to  do  all 
they  could  to  encourage  me  in  the  path  of  duty,  which  1 
had  selected  for  life. 

I  was  also  pleased  Do  see  and  read  the  sketch  of  your 
son  William,  and  the  congratulatory  letters  to  him 
upon  his  election  to  Congress  in  1884  and  1888.  1 
have  but  a  very  slight  personal  acquaintance  with  him, 
and  really  only  know  him  by  the  faithfulness  in  which 
I  hear  he  has  discharged  all  the  public  trusts  which  he 


Letters.  385 

has  been  required  to  perform.  My  feelings  were  very 
much  interested  in  his  favor  during  the  last  canvass. 
If  he  is  half  as  clever,  both  in  the  English  and  the  Amer- 
ican sense  of  the  word,  as  his  sister,  my  friend  Mrs. 
Seattle,  you  cannot  help  being  proud  of  him. 

Asking  forgiveness  for  the  delay  in  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  The  Tribute  to  your  noble  husband,  I  remain 
with  great  respect.  Your  humble  servant, 

Lambert  J.  Jones. 


Colle^o  of  William  ami  Mary. 

Williamsburg,  Va.,  May  7,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry. 

My  Dear  Madam:  Yesterday's  mail  brought  your 
most  welcome  gift  of  the  two  books,  Sketches  by  Gov- 
ernor Perry  of  South  Carolina,  and  the  memorial 
volume  of  the  same  distinguished  man,  and  I  beg  of 
you  to  accept  the  heartiest  thanks  of  the  College  of 
William  and  Mary  for  this  valuable  addition  to  its 
library. 

I  have  often  thought  it  a  deplorable  fact  that  while 
the  Trumbulls,  Quinceys,  Adamses,  and  others  of  lesser 
note  in  the  Northern  States,  especially  those  of  New 
England,  have  had  their  services  to  the  country  com- 
memorated on  paper,  bronze  and  marble,  our  Southern 
statesmen,  of  which  Governor  Perry  is  a  conspicuous 
example,  who  can  lay  still  greater  claims  to  be  remem- 
bered by  the  country,  have  been  seemingly  neglected, 
and  the  youth  of  our  country  brought  up  to  think  that 
there  were  no  heroes  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line, 
save  a  paltry  half  dozen  or  so;  and  all  this  is  apart 
from  the  intrinsic  value  of  a  record  of  the  life  and 
thoughts  of  a  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry. 

Again  thanking  you  for  your  kindness, 

1  am,  with  much  respect,  .yours, 

Hugh  S.  Bird, 
Librarian. 


386  Letters. 

University  of  North  Carolina, 
President's  Office. 

Chapel  Hill,  N.  C,  May  11,  1889. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  Perry. 

Dear  Madam:  I  acknowledge  as  gifts  to  the  library 
of  the  university  the  memorial  volume  of  your  husband, 
Governor  Perry,  and  his  Sketches.  They  are  greatly 
appreciated.  We  have  been  taught  for  years  to  enter- 
tain an  exalted  opinion  of  Governor  Perry's  ability  and 
character.  Besides,  the  books  are  most  interesting-  and 
instructive. 

With  the  sincerest  wishes  for  your  health  and  happi- 
and  with  thanks  for  your  donation, 

Very  truly, 

Kemp  P.  Battle. 


Kentucky  University. 

Lexington,  May  11,  1889. 

Dear  Madam:  It  is  with  unusual  pleasure  I  acknow- 
ledge to  you  the  receipt  of  the  two  volumes  you  have 
been  so  kind  to  send  to  the  library  of  our  university — a 
Sketch  of  ex-Governor  Perry,  your  admirable  husband, 
and  his  valuable  Sketches  of  Eminent  American  States- 
men. 

Such  a  history  as  that  of  ex-Governor  Perry  should 
be  studied  by  the  young  men  and  women  of  our  coun- 
try, and  even  by  the  older. 

I  shall  take  pleasure  in  making  myself,  by  means  of 
these  volumes,  better  acquainted  with  this  noble 
patriot's  life,  and  the  placing  of  these  books  into  our 
library  and  calling  the  attention  of  our  young  men  to 
the  historical  treasures  they  contain. 

Accept,  dear  Madam,  my  thanks  for  this  valuable 
gift,  and  my  distinguished  respect  for  yourself. 

Chas.  Louis  Loos, 
President  of  Kentucky  University. 


Letters.  387 

{Extract   from  a  letter   received   from  J.  R.  Shannon,  the  printer  of  this 

book,  and   who  deserves    credit  for  the  neat   and   appropriate 

manner  in  which  he  has  accomplished  the  work,  and  has 

our  gratitude  for  the  interest  he  has  taken  in  it.] 

Greenville,  S.  C,  May  3,  1889. 
"You  must  not  think  it,  presumption  in 
me  in  Baying  this  in  regard  to  Governor  Perry:  The 
account  of  the  Provisional  Governorship  of  the  State 
as  told  by  himself,  gives  new  evidence  of  the  greatness 
and  magnimity  of  Governor  Perry's  character.  Also 
his  Speech  on  July  3d,  18G5,  in  the  the  Court  House,  at 
Greenville,  is  another  instance  of  his  wonderful  political 
foresight  and  sagacity.  In  those  days  ordinary  men 
were  completely  dumbfounded  at  the  course  things  had 
taken,  while,  as  is  shown  by  his  speech  to  his  country- 
men, Governor  Perry  could  see  beyond  the  present  to 
the  future  when  prosperity  and  happiness  would  again 
return  to  his  beloved  State,  as  it  did  in  1876,  under 
General  Hampton's  administration. 

He  was  truly  a  wonderful  man,  and  it  is  a  sad  com- 
mentary on  the  people  of  South  Carolina  that  they  did 
not  have  perception  to  see  him  in  his  true  light.  He 
would  have  proved  a  deliverer  for  the  people  and 
averted  the  great  calamities  that  befell  them,  had  they 
reposed  in  him  their  trust  and  confidence." 


ACCOUNT 


State  Convention  in  Columbia,   S.  C, 
April  26,  1852. 


By  GOVERNOR  PERRY. 


(Extracts  from  the  Southern  Patriot  of  which  he  was  editor.     The 
account  in  the  Patriot  is  too  long  to  copy.) 

Columbia,  April 26,  18okJ. 
The  Convention  met  to-day  amidst  a  severe  storm  of 
wind  and  rain,  which  the  Union  men  said  was  an  indica- 
tion that  the  elements  were  enraged  and  weeping  at  the 
object  of  assembling  the  sovereign  power  of  the  State. 

One  hundred  and  forty-three 
members  appeared  at  the  Clerk's  desk  and  entered  their 
names.  The  Greenville  delegation  were  all  at  their  post, 
and  through  the  kindness  of  their  friend,  Mr.  Frean,had 
good  seats  selected  for  them,  whilst  many  of  the  mem- 
bers found  it  difficult  to  procure  seats.  It  was  suggested 
by  a  friend,  that  our  seats  should  not  have  been  in 
so  conspicuous  a  part  of  the  hall,  as  we  were  in  such  a 
miserable  lean  minority.  We  replied  that  we  preferred 
being  in  front,  and  were  like  General  Scott,  having  more 
apprehensions  of  a  fire  in  the  rear  than  one  in    front. 

It  was  an  in  teres  ting- 
sight  to  see  such  men  as  Judge  Cheves,  Judge  Huger, 
Judge  Butler,  Judge  Evans,  Judge  Wardlaw,  Chancellor 
Wardlaw,  Chancellor  Dunkin,  Judge  King,  Judge  Frost, 
Governor  Richardson,  Colonel  Law  and  many  others  of 
the  high  dignitaries  of  the  land  coming  forward  to  en- 
roll their  names  and  represent  the  people  of  South  Caro- 
lina in  their  highest  sovereign  capacity.  Chancellor 
Dargan  refused  to  attend  and  seirt  his  resignation. 


390  State  Convention  in  1852. 

What  the  Convention  will  do  no  human  being  knows. 
The  Secessionists  had  a  meeting  Saturday  night  and 
came  to  no  conclusion.  They  meet  again  to-night.  It 
is  likely  the  Co-operationists  will  have  a  caucus  this 
evening.  Some  of  the  Secessionists  are  still  for  seceding, 
and  some  othes  are  for  withdrawing  our  members  of 
Congress.  The  Co-operationists  are  for  adjourning 
without  doing  anything.  But  something  will  be  done. 
The  greatest  interest  is  manifested  to  know  what  it  will 
be.  Colonel  Orr,  our  member  of  Congress,  is  here. 
Messrs.  Woodward  and  Colcock  are  expected.  Rhett 
and  Butler  are  both  here. 

Columbia,  April  27,  18o2. 
This  morning  the  Convention  met  at  12  o'clock.  Judge 
Cheves  then  moved  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to 
consider  of  the  act  of  the  Legislature  calling  the  Conven- 
tion. On  motion  of  Governor  Sea  brook,  the  number  of 
the  committee  was  twenty-one.  (Governor  Means  was 
President  of  the  Convention.)  The  Convention  took  a 
recess  of  one  hour,  in  order  to  give  the  President  ample 
time  to  form  the  committee.  When  the  members  re- 
assembled, Governor  Means  announced  the  names  of  the 
following  gentlemen  as  composing  the  Committee: 
Judge  Cheves,  Governor  Richardson,  Governor  Sea- 
brook,  Judge  Butler,  Judge  Huger,  Ex-Senator  Barn- 
well, Judge  Evans,  Judge  Whitner,  Judge  Wardlaw, 
Judge  Frost,  Chancellor  Wardlaw,  Chanceller  Dunkin, 
General  Buchanan,  B.  E.  Perry,  Colonel  Maxey  Gregg. 
Colonel  Bellinger,  Colonel  Pickens,  Colonel  Hayne,  Gen- 
eral Harlee,  General  Arthur  and  Colonel  McAlilley. 
There  are  twelve  Co-operationists,  eight  Secessionists, 
and  one  Union  man  on  the  committee.  But  this  time 
next  year  there  will  be  a  majority  of  them  Union  men. 

A  good  joke  was  told   me  this  morning  by   Governor 
Richardson.     Last  night  both    parties    had    a  caucus. 


State  Convention  in  1852.  391 

The  Secessionists  had  theirs  at  Hunt's  Hotel,  and  the 
Co-operationists  at  the  State  House.  An  old  member 
of  the  Convention  who  had  never  before  been  to  Colum- 
bia in  a  representative  capacity,  and  who  is  a  great  Se- 
cessionist, burning  with  separate  State  action,  entered 
the  room  at  Hunt's  Hotel,  in  which  all  the  wisdom,  dig- 
nity and  valor  of  the  Secession  party  had  assembled  in 
caucus.  The  good  old  tire-eater  was  a  stranger  to  his 
own  friends,  and  he  saw  a  man  in  the  chair  who  he  took 
to  be  the  senior  editor  of  the  Southern  Patriot,  He 
supposed,  of  course,  he  had  gone  to  the  wrong  caucus, 
and  immediately  quit  the  room.  Thence  he  went  to  the 
Co-operation  caucus  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
boldly  pushed  open  the  door,  looked  about,  and  "seeing 
nothing  of  Perry,"  he  took  his  seat.  Colonel  Aldrich 
came  up  to  him  and  said  :  UI  presume,  sir,  you  are  mis- 
taken ;  this  is  the  Co-operation  caucus,  and  I  know  you 
to  be  a  Secessionist.  Your  caucus  is  held  over  at 
Hunt's  Hotel."  tkXo,  Sir,"  replied  the  old  man  most 
emphatically;  "I  have  just  been  there,  and  Perry  was 
presiding— I  see  nothing  of  him  here."  " Nevertheless, " 
said  the  Colonel,  "what  I  tell  you  is  true."  "Very  well," 
remarked  the  old  man,  "I  shall  risk  it  anyhow  rather 
than  go  back  to  where  Perry  is  presiding." 

I  mentioned  this  joke  at  dinner,  to  Judge  Huger,  who 
told  me  that  it  reminded  him  of  a  remark  which  was 
made  about  himself  on  the  Eastern  Circuit,  the  first  time 
he  rode  that  circuit.  He  mentioned  to  the  clerk,  as  the 
court  was  about  to  adjourn,  that  he  was  very  much 
gratified  with  the  behavior  of  the  people.  He  had  been 
informed  that  they  were  very  riotous  during  court,  and 
very  devils  in  their  deportment  at  night.  The  clerk  re- 
plied :  "  I  will  tell  you  the  cause  of  their  good  behavior, 
if  you  will  take  a  joke."  Being  assured  by  the  Judge 
that  he  would,  if  there  was  any  wit  in  it—"  Well,  then," 
said  the  clerk,  "they  have  been  told  that  you  were  the 


392  State  Convention  in  1852. 

very  devil,  and  would  have  them  all  in  jail  if  they  mis- 
behaved." 

The  committee  of  twenty-one  meet  to-morrow  at  9 
o'clock.  There  is  a  proposition  to  compromise  the  Fed- 
eral matters  between  the  two  parties,  and  committees 
were  appointed  for  this  purpose  at  their  two  caucusses. 

In  the  committee  there  existed  great  harmony  and 
good  feeling,  and  no  disposition  to  do  anything  more 
than  assert  the  right  of  secession  and  give  an  excuse  for 
not  exercising  it  at  present.  Judge  Huger  made  a  long 
and  able  speech  before  the  committee  in  which  he  said, 
the  present  Federal  government  as  formed  by  the  Con- 
stitution, was  the  most  perfect  system  of  government 
in  the  world,  or  ever  had  been,  and  we  ought  to  try  and 
preserve  it. 

Not  agreeing  with  the  report  of  the  committee,  I  have 
drawn  up  a  preamble  and  resolution  which  I  shall  sub- 
mit to  the  Convention  as  the  report  of  the  minority  of 
one.  I  read  it  to  the  committee  and  it  did  not  seem  to 
meet  any  very  serious  objections  from  any  member  of 
the  Committee.  I  assert  the  right  of  every  people  to 
defend  their  lives,  property  and  liberty,  and  say  this  is 
a  right  paramount  to  all  constitutions  and  compacts. 
Judge  Butler  observed  that  he  did  not  differ  from  me 
much  in  deducing  his  right  for  a  State  to  secede.  Judge 
Wardlaw  admitted  that  the  right  of  secession  was  one 
which  the  people  ought  to  understand  that  they  might 
have  to  fight  for  when  asserted.  Mr.  Barnwell  remarked 
to  me  that  lie  did  not  derive  the  right  from  the  Con- 
stitution, but  that  it  was  an  inalienable  right,  and  not 
parted  with  when  the  Federal  compact  was  proved. 

There  was  a  question  before  the  committee  as  to  the 
right  of  the  Convention  to  alter  the  State  Constitution  : 
and  strange  to  say,  Chancellor  Wardlaw,  Judge  Evans, 
Judge  Whitner  and  a  majority  of  the  committee  voted 
that  the  sovereign  power  of  South   Carolina  had   no 


State  Convention  in  1852.  393 

right  to  alter  or  change  their  Constitution.  As  R.  \Y. 
Barnwell  remarked  to  me  afterwards,  it  was  a  strange 
contradiction  to  say  that  the  Convention  could  throw  off 
the  United  States  and  the  Federal  Constitution  adopted 
by  South  Carolina,,  and  yet  not  be  able  to  alter  or  change 
the  State  Constitution. 

Since  I  commenced  this  letter  the  committee  of  twenty- 
one  reported  to  the  Convention  an  ordinance  declar- 
ing the  right  of  a  State  to  secede  from  the  Union.  The 
report  was  read  to  the  Convention  and  made  the  spe- 
cial order  of  the  day  for  to-morrow.  You  will  see  in  the 
Columbia  papers  the  report  of  the  committee,  and  also 
the  report  made  by  myself  to  the  Convention.  Colonel 
Gregg  also  made  a  report  for  himself,  in  which  he  lashes 
the  Co-operationists  pretty  handsomely  and  says  that 
they  have  paralyzed  the  action  of  the  State.  The  Colo- 
nel thinks  too,  that  submission  is  now  inevitable  and 
must  prove  fatal.  There  was  also  an  amendment  offered 
by  Dr.  Bellinger  to  give  the  Legislature  the  right  to 
secede  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds.  There  will  probably  be 
some  discussion  in  the  morning. 

Columbia,  April  SO,  1852. 
The  Convention  met  this  morning  (Friday)  at  10 
o'clock,  and  after  prayer,  proceeded  to  business.  Dr. 
Bellinger  offered  an  amendment  to  the  report,  giving 
the  Legislature  the  right  to  secede  by  a  vote  of  two- 
thirds,  and  made  a  speech  of  considerable  length  in  de- 
fence of  his  amendment.  The  doctor  is  a  warm  Seces- 
sionist and  speaks  well.  Judge  Cheves  followed  in  a 
short  speech  and  moved  to  lay  the  amendment  on  the 
table,  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  off  debate,  which  was 
carried  by  a  large  vote.  I  thought  that  discussion 
should  be  allowed,  and  that  after  the  flourish  of  trum- 
pets in  calling  the  Convention  together,  the  members 
should  not  be  gagged,  and  especially  the  Secessionists. 


394  State  Convention  in  1852. 

The  report  of  myself  as  one  of  the  committee  of  twenty- 
one,  came  next  before  the  Convention,  and  most  cour- 
teously, I  was  offered  the  opportunity  of  making  a 
speech  in  defence  of  my  report,  which  I  declined.  My 
purpose  had  been  accomplished  in  offering;  the  report, 
which  defined  my  position.  I  knew  it  could  not  be 
adopted,  although  many  members  of  the  Convention 
declared  to  me  that  they  preferred  it  to  the  report  of 
the  committee.  Mr.  R.  Barnwell  Rhett,  our  Senator,  and 
the  leader  of  the  fire-eaters,  said  to  me  that  I  had  put 
to  the  blush  both  Secessionists  and  Co-operationists,  in 
the  firm  and  manly  position  taken  in  my  resolutions. 
He  told  me  likewise  that  a  distinguished  leader  of  the 
Co-operation  party  had  admitted  the  same  thing.  The 
fact  is  that  the  report  of  the  committee  verified  the  old 
fable  of  a  mountain  being  in  labor  and  bringing  forth  a, 
mouse.  The  State  of  South  Carolina  has  been  most 
angrily  agitated  for  the  last  three  or  four  years;  the 
Legislature  thought  the  country  on  the  broad  road  to 
run,  and  called  a  Convention  of  the  sovereign  people 
of  the  State  to  dissolve  the  Union  and  break  up  the 
American  Republic.  After  twelve  months  delay  the 
time  is  fixed  for  the  meeting  of  the  Convention,  and  the 
Convention  is  composed  of  all  the  most  learned  and 
venerable  men  the  Disunionists  can  muster.  Great  is 
the  expectation  as  to  the  result  of  the  deliberations  of 
this  great  assembly.  Persons  from  all  parts  of  the 
country  assemble  to  witness  the  deliberations  of  the 
Convention,  and  after  three  days  consultation  and  de- 
liberation, out  comes  a  report  of  about  ten  lines,  de- 
claring that  we  have  cause  for  disunion,  and  the  right 
to  dissolve  the  Union.  But  that  we  will  not  dissolve 
the  Union.  No  reason,  no  justification  given  for  this 
apparent  downright,  dastardly  submission ! 

I  said  to  the  Convention  that  it  would  have  been  bet- 
ter for  both  parties  to  publish  to  the  world  their  defence 


State  Convention  in  1852.  395 

and  history  of  the  matter.  A  motion  was  made  by  my 
friend,  Gen.  Harlee,  and  with  my  consent,  to  lay  my  re- 
port on  the  table.  Next  in  order  was  the  amendment 
of  Mr.  Edmund  Rhett,  prohibiting  citizens  from  Massa- 
chusetts and  Vermont  coming  to  South  Carolina  to  re- 
side. The  amendment  was  urged  in  a  speech  of  some 
length  by  Mr.  Rhett,  and  laid  on  the  table  by  a  motion 
made  by  Judge  Cheves.  Dr.  Toomer  then  moved  an 
amendment  to  secede  forthwith,  and  that  the  Governor- 
be  invested  with  dictatorial  powers  till  a  Southern  Con- 
federacy is  formed.  This  is  no  joke,  nor  was  it  intended 
as  a  joke  by  the  mover.  Mr.  Adams  then  moved  as 
a  substitute  for  the  report,  that  in  consequence  of  the 
people  having  decided  against  secession  in  October  last, 
this  Convention  now  adjourn.  The  motion  was  lost. 
Col.  Memminger  then  introduced  a  long  essay  in  defence 
of  co-operation,  which  he  read,  and  desired  might  be 
printed,  and  laid  on  the  table.  Col.  Cunningham  ob- 
jected to  its  reception  in  a  speech  of  some  warmth.  Col. 
Pickens  moved  not  to  print,  and  made  a  few  remark  v 
Judge  Butler  said  as  an  act  of  courtesy,  he  hoped  Col. 
Cunningham  would  withdraw  his  motion.  The  paper 
was  laid  on  the  table  and  not  ordered  to  be  printed. 
The  report  of  the  committee  was  then  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  one  hundred  and  thirty -five  to  twenty.  The  Conven- 
tion then  took  a  recess  till  5  o'clock. 

At  5  o'clock  the  Convention  assembled  and  did  a  good 
deal  of  little  business.  On  motion  Judge  Evans  took 
the  chair,  and  Judge  Butler  presented  a  resolution  of 
thanks  to  the  President  of  the  Convention.  Governor 
Means  having  resumed  the  chair,  Judge  Evans  made  a 
very  pretty  speech,  and  read  the  resolution.  The  Gov- 
ernor replied  in  a  very  appropriate  speech  and  said  it 
did  not  become  him  to  speak  of  the  wisdom  of  their  pro- 
ceedings, but  tii at  he  would  say  they  would  all  part  as 
friends.     The  ordinance  being  ratified,  the  Convention, 


396  State  Convention  in  1852. 

on  motion  of  Judge  Cheves,  adjourned  sine  die,  and  was 
dissolved.  "  This  ends  the  chapter  of  submission,"  said 
General  Jones,  of  Edgefield,  to  me,  as  we  were  about 
leaving  our  seats.  This  is  indeed  "  submission"  without 
having  a  good  reason  assigned  for  the  act. 

Sunday  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention  was  a 
dull  day.  When  I  saw  Messrs.  Brockman,  Duncan  and 
Center  leave  May  bin's  Hotel  for  Greenville,  my  heart 
felt  sad  at  the  thought  of  being  compelled  to  remain 
another  week  in  Columbia  for  the  purpose  of  attending 
the  Court  of  Appeals.  The  town,  however,  was  enli  vened 
by  a  military  parade.  A  fine  company  of  militia  was 
on  a  visit  to  Columbia.  There  were  three  or  four  other 
companies  mustering.  Never  have  I  seen  such  precision 
and  exactness  in  marching  and  in  the  performance  of  all 
their  evolutions.  From  the  third  story  of  May  bin's  Hotel, 
my  little  son  said  each  company  looked  like  some  huge 
animal  with  a.  hundred  legs  on  each  side,  which  he  moved 
at  once.  In  the  night  there  was  a  torch  light  pro- 
cession and  a  grand  to  do.  At  first  I  thought  it  was  the 
Secessionists,  in  a  mock  celebration  of  the  triumph  of 
submission.  As  a  finality  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Con- 
vention. 

Sunday  I  went  to  church  with  my  friend  Col.  Daw- 
kins,  and  we  heard  a  most  able,  eloquent  and  impres- 
sive sermon  from  Dr.  Thornwell,  the  President  of  the 
College.  It  was  on  the  truth  of  the  Bible.  Really  it  is 
a  treat  to  hear  such  a  divine,  and  when  I  looked  around 
me,  I  saw  so  few  persons  except  the  students  of  the  Col- 
lege, I  felt  a  deep  regret  that  this  sermon  should  not 
have  been  heard  by  thousands. 

You  have  probably  heard  that  the  Hon.  R.  B.  Rhett 
has  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
I  think  this  is  the  brightest  feather  in  his  cap,  and 
evinces  the  true  spirit  of  the  Chevalier  and  Patriot.  He 
has  honestly  and  sedulously  tried  to  break  up  the  Union, 


State  Convention  in  l<sr>2.  397 

and  the  people  and  Convention  have  decider]  against 
him.  Now  he  say h  to  them,  yon  have  no  further  need 
for  my  services.  Select  some  one  who  will  cany  out 
your  submission  and  union  doctrines  and  think  it  no 
sin  to  serve  and  be  fed,  by  a  power  which  he  denounces 
as  a  vulvar  tyranny,  and  the  oppression  of  his  own 
State  and  political  mother!  Though  I  differ  totally 
from  the  truth  of  Mr.  Rhett's  premises,  yet  I  admire  his 
noble  and  patriotic4,  disinterested  and  spirited  conclu- 
sion. Who  will  be  his  successor  no  one  knows.  Messrs. 
Pickens,  Richardson,  Seabrook,  Barnwell,  Young,  De 
Saussure  and  others  have  been  spoken  of  as  most  likely 
to  receive  the  temporary  appointment.  The  appoint- 
ment will  not  be  made  for  ten  or  fifteen  days.  His  Ex- 
cellency Governor  Means  is  waiting  to  see  and  consult 
his  friends  about  The  matter. 

It  is  admitted  on  all  sides  that  the  political  princi- 
ples of  the  Southern  Patriot  are  now  triumphant.  The 
Union  is  safe,  the  compromise  acquiesced  in,  and  peace 
restored  to  our  State.  Col.  Win.  C.  Preston  said  the 
other  day  to  a  friend  of  ours,  that  the  course  of  the  Pa- 
triot had  been  ulike  the  steady  tramp  of  a  Roman  Le- 
gion" 


Arkansas  Industrial  University, 

Department  op  History,  English  and 
Modern  Languages. 

Fayetteville,  Ark.,  June  15,  1889. 
MRS.  B.  F.  Perry,  Green  vilfo,  S.  C. 

Please  accept  the  acknowledgements  of  faculty  and 
students  of  the  University  for  the  valuable  gift  to  the 
library  of  the  volume  of  your  husband's  "Biographi- 
cal Sketches  of  Eminent  American  Statesmen." 

As  Southern  men  we  are  especially  interested  in  all 
historical  matter  tending  to  free  the  South  from  mis- 
representation, and  we  welcome  this  volume  as  well 
calculated  to  aid  in  the  sacred  work.  Again  we  assure 
you  of  our  high  appreciation  of  your  courtesy  and 
kindness.        Very  respectfully  and  sincerely, 

Howard  Edwards, 

Librarian,  A.  I.  U. 


A  HUMBLE  TRIBUTE. 


Reflections  at  the  Grave  of  Ex-Governor  B,  F,  Perry, 


By  A  FRIEND,  ROBERT  McKAY. 

GREENVILLE,  S.  C,  JUNE,  1889. 


R 


EST  in  the  silent  grave,  noble,  cherished  friend, 

Thy  honor,  name  and  fame  thy  country  will  defend 
All  that  is  mortal  here  may  perish  and  decay, 
But  thy  blest  memory  will  never  fade  away. 


ktThe  world  is  better  that  he  lived" — oh,  how  true  ! 
Generations  unborn  thy  precepts  will  review  : 
In  naming  her  statesmen,  all  standing  side  by  side, 
The  old  Palmetto  State  will  lisp  thy  name  with  pride. 

Though  affection  may  cease  her  visits  to  thy  tomb ; 
And  this  endearing  spot  become  a  scene  of  gloom  ; 
These  monuments  of  love  may  crumble  to  the  ground, 
Still  thy  cherished  name  in  story  will  be  found. 

While  the  fame  of  statesmen  in  history  shall  stand, 
Posterity  hold  dear  the  noble  and  the  grand  ; 
When  South  Carolina  surveys  her  roll  of  fame, 
She  will  repeat  with  pride  and  emphasize  thy  name. 

His  noble  heart  was  large  as  was  his  manly  form ; 
His  friendship  was  sincere,  affection  pure  and  warm  ; 
He  did  not  seek  to  gain  the  multitude's  applause, 
When  duty  called  him  to  advocate  a  cause. 


Ready  to  give  aid  to  all  those  who  were  in  need  ; 
And  to  all  in  trouble  he  was  a  friend  indeed  : 
He  was  ever  candid,  a  stranger  to  deceit : 
Oh  !  it  was  a  pleasure  so  kind  a  soul  to  greet ! 

Yes,  I  have  seen  him  weep  !  tears  would  instinctive  start, 
When  pity's  trembling  tones  vibrated  through  his  heart : 
His  love  and  affection  was  lasting  and  sincere  ; 
And  the  sweet  joys  of  Home  filled  his  heart  with  cheer. 

Oh  !  I  remember  well,   and  cherish  it  with  joy, 
When  I  was  an  orphan,  an  humble  printer  boy  ; 
Often  in  his  office,  where  duty  bade  me  go, 
I  recall  his  kindness  near  sixty  years  ago. 

He  loved  his  country,  her  honor  and  her  name  ; 
His  time  and  his  talents  were  given  to  her  fame  : 
Faithful  to  his  duties,  when  wanted,  always  there  : 
Well  may  the  country  ask,  who  now  can  fill  his  chair  ? 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED  ' 


LOAN  DEPT. 


RENEWALS  ONIY—TEI.  NO.  642-3405 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed.  J 

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